Changing Windows on a Changing China: The Evolving “Think Tank” System and the Case of the Public Security Sector

2002 ◽  
Vol 171 ◽  
pp. 559-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Scot Tanner

The entrepreneurial “second generation” of Chinese policy research institutes (often called think tanks) that emerged during the 1980s played a pivotal role in the policy process of reform. Since Tiananmen, China's growing commercialization is spawning a “third generation” of think tanks characterized by even more ambiguous links to sponsoring leaders and institutions, greatly expanded commercial links, greater exposure to Western theories and techniques, and the gradual emergence of wide-ranging “policy communities.” The extent of this change varies greatly across policy sectors, however. Generational change is evident in China's previously unstudied network of public security (police) think tanks. Though clearly still of the “second generation” variety, these institutes have been in the forefront of importing and incorporating more sophisticated crime-fighting techniques and less class-based and conspiratorial theories of crime and social unrest.

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-58
Author(s):  
Sun Pinjie ◽  

This research analyzes the functions of university think-tanks from the perspective of the Chinese government, in particular their role in generating knowledge for governmental decision-making. It also reveals the achievements and problems of the development model of Chinese university think-tanks. Methodologically, this study relies on analysis and interpretation of the key policy documents of the Chinese government, the public information of some university think-tanks and the research results and data of professional think-tank research institutions. The study found that the Chinese government is trying to incorporate university think-tanks into the «Holistic Knowledge» production link and thus turn them into professional decision-making knowledge supply institutions. As a result, Chinese university think-tanks will perform the role of t bridges between academic knowledge production and generation of knowledge for the government’s decision-making, ensuring the necessary flexibility between these two processes. However, the drawback of such policy is that it limits the autonomy of university think-tanks and their social influence.


Author(s):  
Hartwig Pautz

The study of think tanks brings together a range of academic disciplines and allows for multifaceted analyses, encompassing the concepts of ideas, institutions, influence, interests, and power. The literature on think tanks addresses a ubiquitous policy actor as think tanks have been around for a long time, especially in advanced liberal democracies. However, they have also become established actors in authoritarian regimes and in the developing world. Nowhere is their influence on policymaking or the public debate easy to pinpoint. The definition of a think tank has been contested ever since the study of think tanks took off in the 1980s and 1990s. Some scholars have devised typologies around organizational form and output, with a focus on whether think tanks are openly partisan or rather emphasize their political and ideological neutrality; others propose that the think tank is not so much a clearly discernible organizational entity but rather should be seen as a set of activities that can be conducted by a broad range of organizations; others again see think tanks as hybrid boundary organizations operating at the interstices of different societal fields. What most scholars will agree on is that policy expertise is think tanks’ main output, that they seek to influence policymakers and the wider public, and that they try to do so via informal and formal channels and by making use of their well-connected position in often transnational policy networks encompassing political parties, interest groups, corporations, international organizations, civil society organizations, and civil service bureaucracies. Think tanks’ main output, policy expertise either in the form of concrete proposals or “blue-skies thinking,” is underpinned by claims that it is “evidence-based.” The widely used positivist notion of “evidence-based policymaking” has been of benefit to think tanks as organizations that claim to “speak truth to power” by producing easily digestible outputs aimed at policymakers who profess to want evidence to make policy “that works.” Think tanks are active at different “moments” in the policymaking process. John Kingdon’s agenda-setting theory of the multiple streams framework helps us understand think tanks as “policy entrepreneurs” who are most likely to have influence during the moments of problem framing, the search for policy solutions, and the promotion of specific solutions to policymakers and the public. Think tank studies should take into account the relationship between the media and think tanks, and how this relationship impacts on whether think tanks succeed in agenda-setting and, thereby, influence policymaking. The relationship is symbiotic: journalists use think tanks to inform their work or welcome their contribution in the form of an opinion piece, while think tanks use the media to air their ideas. This relationship is not without problems, as some think tanks are in privileged positions with regards to media access while others barely ever cross the media threshold. Think tanks are, in the 21st century, challenged by an “epistemic crisis.” This crisis consists of a loss of faith in experts and of information pollution and information overload. This development is both a risk and an opportunity for think tanks. Concerning the latter, policymakers increasingly need curators, arbiters, or filters to help them decide which information, data, and policy expertise to use in their decision-making processes.


Author(s):  
Martín Bassols Coma

<p align="justify">El objetivo de este estudio es el análisis de la Contratación publica en el sector de la Defensa y la Seguridad publica a efectos de las medidas que deben adoptar en sus resoluciones el Tribunal Administrativo Central de Recursos Contractuales o los Organismos autonómicos especializados de las Comunidades Autónomas en orden a la protección de la seguridad en la información de la documentación contractual y la confidencialidad de los documentos aportados por los licitadores que afecten al contrato o a sus secretos industriales o comerciales.</p> <p align="justify"><b>The objective of this paper is to analyse public procurement in the defence and public security sector from the point of view of the measures that should be adopted in the decisions of the Public Procurement Review Central Administrative Court and the specialised authorities of the autonomous regions to protect the security of the information contained in public procurement documents and the confidentiality of the documents supplied by the bidders which affect the contract or their industrial or trade secrets.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry G Zaytsev ◽  
Valentina V Kuskova ◽  
Alexandra Kononova

Abstract Studies on foreign policy consider government as the key actor in policy formulation and implementation. Research, apparently, has devoted far less attention to impact of knowledge brokers, such as think tanks, on policy-making. How and why do think tanks influence US foreign policy? An analysis of five think tanks that differ in terms of their proximity to elites, origin, and ideology reveals two types of nonstate actors’ impact on foreign policy. Think tanks either advocate for own alternative policy proposals, solutions, and actions (“alternatives’ facilitators”), or clarify, justify, and legitimize those of the governments (“policy legitimizers”). These two roles dictate special mechanisms and think tank impact directions. In the first type, think tanks are less oriented toward mass media, but more oriented toward coalitions with nonstate actors and influence the opinions of elites. The second type is the opposite: higher orientation toward mass media and more pronounced connections with elites, and influence on the public. Different origins and strategy of think tanks may be the reasons for some observed differences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Jiayi Lin

<p>The establishment and development of a new type of think tank system is an important means and guarantee for the scientific and democratic decision-making of modern countries. Zhejiang Province, as a relatively developed area of China’s economy, should follow and lead the trend. It is supposed to vigorously promote the construction of new think tanks with Chinese characteristics to help the state and Zhejiang government formulate more scientific and effective policies, as well as the modernization of national governance system and governance capacity. There are some problems in the construction of new think tanks in Zhejiang Province. Zhejiang Province should strengthen the construction of think tank, build new think tanks with characteristics and influence, so as to improve the comprehensive level of new think tanks in Zhejiang Province.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pelle Åberg ◽  
Stefan Einarsson ◽  
Marta Reuter

Think tanks, defined as organizations that produce policy research for political purposes (McGann, 2007; Medvetz, 2008), are an increasingly ubiquitous type of policy actor world-wide. In Sweden, the last 20 years’ sharp increase in think tank numbers (Åberg, Einarsson, &amp; Reuter, 2019) has coincided with the decline of the traditional Swedish corporatist model based on the intimate involvement of the so-called ‘popular movements’ in policy-making (Lundberg, 2014; Micheletti, 1995). Contrary to the large, mass-membership based and democratically organized movement organizations, think tanks are small, professionalized, expert-based, and seldom represent any larger membership base. Their increasingly important role as the ideological greenhouses in Swedish civil society might, therefore, be interpreted as an indication of an increasingly elitist and professionalized character of the latter. But what is a think tank? The article explores how a shared understanding of what constitutes a think tank is constructed by think-tankers themselves. In the study, interviewed think tank executives and top-level staff reflect upon their own organizations’ missions and place in the Swedish policy system.


Politik ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotta Lounasmeri

This article discusses the think tank scene in Finland and the modest role think tanks seem to play in public debate. In 2005, the first Finnish think tanks associated with political parties were established, and since then, several new ones have popped up. Until now, they have not received substantial media attention. One notable exception is the traditional Finnish Business and Policy Forum (EVA) that was founded in the 1970s and has secured a position as a credible public discussant. However, in light of the great popularity of think tanks in the other Nordic countries, even the public attention granted to EVA seems modest. The article presents empirical results of a media analysis and discusses possible reasons for the lesser visibility.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 17-20
Author(s):  
Birendra Prasad Shah

Think tank is bridging gap among academic and policy making communities, states and civil society to serve in the public interest as independent voices that translate applied and basic research into a language, form that is understandable, reliable, and accessible for policy makers and the public. Hence, Nepal is officially far from it. Although, practices in Nepal is very limited as well as narrow ideas, thinking, and approaches to sake prosperities of divergent Nepali societies and cultures. Government investment is very poor in these works. However, newly opened universities, private institutions and NGOs are work like as hybrid, are engaged in educational research activities. Over the last 10-15 years, governments, and civil society have come to rely on it, and this trend will continue to input better future of Nepal.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/av.v4i0.12351Academic Voices Vol.4 2014: 17-20


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geo Saura

The article focuses attention on the discourses of the Spanish neoliberal think tank Foundation for Social Studies and Analysis (FAES) of the conservative Popular Party (PP). This neoliberal think tank is the main group of actors that produce a deconstructive logic of the Spanish public welfare system to construct a complex set of neoliberal policies. The analysis is developed in the educational policy field to understand the narratives of the Spanish Educational Reform Act. The text is divided into four sections. First, from a theoretical dimension, it addresses different perspectives to analyze the neoliberalism and the processes of privatization in the public education. The second, from a theoretical review, it addresses the new role that think tanks occupy and their advocacy in the design of neoliberal policies. The third, through a socio-historical analysis, reviews how throughout the democratic period (1978) the different Spanish political forces have incorporated mechanisms of endogenous privatization in education as a firm commitment to restructure “the public.” The fourth section discusses how the discourses of FAES, extracted from the Web of foundation, articles, books and videos of participants of this think tank, have been used to introduce various mechanisms of hidden privatization in the Spanish educational system, and its commissioning is consolidated by means of the current Educational Reform Act (LOMCE). 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document