scholarly journals Canadian Communists, Revolutionary Unionism, and the “Third Period”: The Workers’ Unity League, 1929-1935

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Manley

Abstract In compliance with the Third Period "line" of the Communist International (Comintern), the Communist Party of Canada (CPC) launched The Workers' Unity League (WUL) as a centre of "revolutionary" or "red" unionism in December 1929. Until it was "liquidated" during the winter of 1935-6, the WUL had a significance in Canada's Depression labour struggles far outweighing its maximum membership of between 30,000 and 40,000; a significance, moreover, that has yet to be fully acknowledged or analysed. This article seeks to look beyond the conventional view that presents the CPC as a Comintern cipher and the WUL (when it is considered at all) as a "sectarian", "adventurist", "ultra-left" organisation with no real interest in building stable labour unions. While there is no doubt that the two most crucial decisions concerning the WUL — to create it and to liquidate it — were taken in Moscow, neither the Comintern nor the CPC leadership in Toronto was in a position to supervise the implementation of the Third Period line on the ground. Within the broad parameters of the line, local organisers tended to operate as "good trade unionists" rather than "good bolsheviks", using every available opportunity to modify and adapt tactics to local realities. They used their room for manoeuvre to considerable effect, especially during the economic and political upturn of 1933-34, when the WUL led a majority of all strikes and established union bases in a host of hitherto unorganised or weakly organised industries. At the height of its power, however, the WUL knew that it had barely dented the essential mass production industries — auto, steel, rubber, farm machinery. This fact, coupled with the experience of defeat in several key strikes,forced the party to reconsider the WUL's future. Whether the WUL could have survived as part of a national union centre remains open to question. Indisputably, the Comintern terminated that option in 1935.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Pouryousef ◽  
Erfan Eslami ◽  
Sepehr Shahriarirad ◽  
Sina Zoghi ◽  
Mehdi Emami ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives The current study aimed to evaluate the effects of Ficus carica latex on the treatment of cutaneous leishmaniasis (CL), induced by Leishmania major. A 5% topical gel with F. carica latex was prepared. BALB/c mice were infected by inoculation of amastigotes form of L. major. Thirty BALB/c mice were divided into five groups, where the first group was treated daily, the second group twice per day, and the third group every other day with the 5% topical gel, for 3 weeks. The sizes of the lesions were measured before and during the course of treatment. Results Although the mean size of lesions in the mice group treated with the 5% F. carica gel, especially in the group receiving daily treatment, was less than the mean size of the lesions in the control group, yet, the differences was not statistically significant (p > 0.05). The findings of the current study demonstrated that the 5% F. carica latex with a 3-week course of treatment had no considerable effect in recovery or control of CL induced by L. major in the murine model. Using higher concentration of F. carica latex and with longer treatment lengths may increase its efficacy in the treatment of CL.


Author(s):  
Kas Oosterhuis

The chapter engages with the idea that nonhuman creativity is fostering a new architecture based on continuous variation both in its theoretical and in its technical and material dimension. The chapter depicts the trajectory of ONL, the author’s practice, and how with this mission it has moved to the third industrial revolution that has altogether revolutionised architecture as a whole. In this chapter Kas Oosterhuis redefines the fundamentals in three phases; phase A: mass production, phase B: mass customisation - in which phase ONL’s built projects are positioned - and moving into the upbeat of phase C: distributed robotic design, production, assembly and operation, in which phase the achievements of Hyperbody’s interactive architecture are positioned. He concludes by challenging the traditional role of the architect that has shifted, nowadays, to that of an expert.


Author(s):  
Alan Filewod

The leading cultural activist in the Canadian Communist Party in the 1930s, Oscar Ryan was the formative figure in the Workers’ Theatre movement in Canada and a tireless advocate of revolutionary theatrical modernism. Born Oscar Weinstein, he took his underground name from his mother’s maiden name, Rein. He grew up in Montreal and Winnipeg and after high school joined the Young Communist League as a full-time party activist. With an idiomatic and forceful proletarian writing style in the manner of John Dos Passos and Mike Gold, he became a writer for the Communist Party’s Daily Worker and its successors, the Daily Clarion and the Canadian Tribune. As Martin Stone, he was a theater critic for the Tribune from 1955 to 1988. In the Communist Party of Canada, he was an early supporter of Tim Buck, who took over the party in 1929 when communist parties around the world assumed a more radical militant stance in answer to Stalin’s call for revolutionary class war. Under Buck, Ryan became a leading figure in the party’s propaganda wing, a cultural organizer, publicity director of the Canadian Labour Defence League, and the author of numerous pamphlets.


Since taking power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party has consistently tried to enforce a monopoly on the writing and interpretation of history. However, since 1998 individual initiatives have increased in the field of memory. Confronting official amnesia, victims of Maoist movements have decided to write their versions of history before it is too late. This chapter presents a typology of these endeavours. Annals of the Yellow Emperor (Yanhuang chunqiu), an official publication, enjoyed some freedom to publish dissenting historical accounts but was suppressed in 2016. With the rise of the internet, unofficial journals appeared that were often dedicated to a specific period: Tie Liu’s Small traces of the Past (Wangshi weihen) published accounts of victims of the Anti-Rightist movement for almost a decade before the editor was arrested; Wu Di’s Remembrance (Jiyi) founded by former Red Guards and rusticated youth circulates on line. The third type is the samizdat: targets of repression during Mao’s reign recount their experience in books that are published at their own expense and circulated privately. Most of these “entrepreneurs of memory” are convinced that restoring historical truth is a pre-requisite to China’s democratization. Since Xi Jinping came to power, they have suffered repression.


Urbanisation ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yimin Sun ◽  
Daria Lisaia

This article explores the process of urbanisation in China in the context of three historical transformations spanning the period 1840–2017. During the first two transformations urbanisation took place slowly, with the fragmented development of cities without a systemic character. This laid the foundation for the third historical transformation, the policy of reforms and openness in 1978, which opened up opportunities for the development of cities and stimulated a wave of internal labour migration. Over the last 30 years, urbanisation in China has acquired a huge scale, becoming a powerful tool for the development of the country’s economy. Initially a spontaneous development, in the 2000s urbanisation began to acquire a strategically planned approach. In 2014, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC Central Committee) announced the adoption of a ‘National New-Type Urbanisation Plan’ (2014–2020), which marked a qualitative transition in terms of the management of the urbanisation process. This article argues that a nuanced historical analysis of China’s urbanisation is key to studying its urban future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Neil J. Diamant ◽  
Feng Xiaocai

This article uses comments, questions, and conversations about the PRC's draft constitution of 1954 to assess state legitimacy and how people felt more generally about the Communist regime. Taking advantage of untapped archival sources in Hong Kong and the mainland—including classified intraparty reports and transcripts from meetings in factories, police stations, universities, and villages—this article challenges the conventional view that the constitution bolstered support for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Instead, the document generated a great deal of anxiety among ordinary citizens, as well as among CCP officials and the regime's favored classes. This “text-based” cause of emotional turmoil was a supplement to the classic forms of political terror that dominate the literature on Communist dictatorships. Despite widespread confusion, people's identification of problematic sections of the constitution turned out to be remarkably prescient in light of political disasters in the 1950s and 1960s and ongoing constitutional controversies in the era after Mao Zedong.


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