5 Marked in the Annals of the Labor Movement: The National Farm Labor Union, Organized Labor, and the DiGiorgio Strike

2011 ◽  
pp. 169-202
1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-579
Author(s):  
Stephen S. Large

AbstractsThe Yuaikai (Friendly Society) was the only large, national labor organization in 1912–1919 Japan. Its founder, Suzuky Bunji, an intellectual and Christian humanist, believed that cooperation between labor and management was the key to developing the Yuaikai into a true labor union movement in a day when organized labor was held in suspicion. Accordingly, Suzuki organized the Yuaikai workers into potential unions and tried to persuade business and government to accept a moderate union movement. Suzuki's gradualist tactice resulted in expansion of the Yuaikai. By 1917, after two trips to the United States, Suzuki had become the symbol of Japanese organized labor at home and abroad. But Suzuki's moderate approach to reform was jolted by repression of the Yuaikai in 1917–1918 by business and government and his moderate leadership in the Yuaikai was challenged by militant workers who resented intellectual domination of their movement and by radical university graduates who sought to turn the Yuaikai into a revolutionary organization. These two groups conspired to turn the Yuaikai into the relatively militant Sodomei (General Federation) in 1919 and to reduce Suzuki's power in the movement but their revalry for power greatly undermined the capacity of the Sodomei to build further on the institutional foundations laid for organized labor by Suzuki Bunji.


2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 207-210
Author(s):  
Amy Chazkel

This book portrays the labor movement in the Brazilian port city of Santos in the period between the two World Wars. Author Fernando Teixeira da Silva reconstructs a period of rapid urbanization, economic instability, and worker ferment in a city known for the combative nature of organized labor. The author focuses on the two types of work that predominated in interwar Santos: civil construction and, above all, dock work. Through his finely grained local history approach, Silva describes both the clashes of interests between labor and management and the reformulation of each class from within.


Author(s):  
Saori Shibata

This chapter analyzes the development of the Japanese labor movement throughout the postwar period. With some exceptions, workers in Japan have been predominantly organized in unions that have had a commitment to a relatively non-confrontational approach toward industrial relations. This organization has come to be challenged in more recent years, however, since the classic model of Japanese labor relations has faced increasing strain as part of the wider changes to the Japanese model of capitalism. Alongside this historical overview of organized labor, the chapter also considers the development of other (non-labor) social movements. This includes those movements that have emerged to promote the interests of social groups whose interests overlap with those of labor but who might not immediately identify themselves as part of the labor movement, such as the homeless, unemployed, and students. The trajectory of social conflict in Japan during the past thirty years has seen a move away from the classic model of social compromise. Various types of social conflict—both inside and outside of the workplace, and involving either workers or those less typically identified with organized labor—have become increasingly common.


Asian Survey ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 860-884 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Uba

Abstract This article examines mobilization of the Indian labor movement by using a unique data set on protests against privatization in India during 1991 to 2003. The results demonstrate an intensified labor struggle against economic reforms and significant inter-state variation. The latter is only partially explained by the trade unions' political party affiliation.


ILR Review ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro F. Guillén

This paper conceptualizes how organized labor in newly industrialized countries both responds to and shapes the presence of foreign multinationals. Four images of multinationals—as “villains,” “necessary evils,” “arm's length collaborators,” and “partners”—are documented and compared using evidence drawn from three countries during the 1950–99 period. Organized labor flatly opposed foreign multinationals early on, under authoritarian regimes, in all three countries—Argentina, South Korea, and Spain—but that stance shifted over time in divergent rather than convergent ways. In Argentina, organized labor alternately viewed multinationals as villains and as a necessary evil, and in Korea it deemed them fit for limited, arm's length collaboration. In Spain, by contrast, unions gradually shifted toward a willing acceptance of multinationals as partners. Organized labor's images of multinationals are found to have resulted from two key factors: democratic versus authoritarian political regimes, and modernizing versus populist labor union mentalities.


1987 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 317-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Orren

There is perhaps no political topic that has been given such relentlessly comparative treatment as the American labor movement. It is rare to read any comprehensive political or historical study of organized labor that is not cast, implicitly or explicitly, against the greater class consciousness of European counterparts. The explanations advanced for the uniqueness or the lack of vigor in the American strain—abundance of land, immigration, early suffrage, a revolutionary heritage of “republicanism”—constitute most of what exists in the way of theories about American labor politics.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
OMAR G. ENCARNACIÓN

This essay employs a state-structuralist approach to explain the emergence of social concertation as a policy mechanism to facilitate democratization and economic liberalization in post-Franco Spain. Concertation emphasizes the institutionalization of consultation and cooperation on macroeconomic policy involving peak representation from the state, employers' associations, and the organized labor movement. The author demonstrates how state structures and institutional legacies played the critical role in fashioning a favorable strategic environment for the adoption of concertation during the restoration and consolidation of democracy in Spain. In doing so, this research departs from conventional approaches to the study of the making of concertation that emphasize either the strength of the bargaining agents from capital and labor or the social democratic composition of the government. Moreover, it reveals a significant role for state institutions in charting a successful path to democracy and the market economy.


Horizons ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-91
Author(s):  
Patricia Ann Lamoureux

ABSTRACTThe contemporary American labor movement is in a state of crisis. Not only is the membership base at a low-point, but a host of negative factors and obstacles to growth present enormous challenges for its future viability. In the past, organized labor has been most effective when there was a strong alliance with the Catholic community. Since the middle of the twentieth century, however, this association has weakened, and in some cases has turned to opposition. The premise of this article is that a renewed church-labor alliance could provide needed assistance to reinvigorate the labor movement while also advancing the social concerns of the Catholic Church in this nation.


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