“We are not a Mascot”

Author(s):  
Caroline Heldman

This chapter examines all of the national consumer activism campaigns for racial/economic rights for people of color from 2004 – 2014. These 15 campaigns involved racial discrimination, damaging stereotypes, and efforts to secure better working conditions. Almost all of these campaigns were effective in achieving their stated goal. Most of these campaigns strengthened different aspects of democracy by amplifying the political voices of the disenfranchised, furthering protection of minority rights, and preventing encroachment on civil liberties.

Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.


Author(s):  
Talbot C. Imlay

In examining the efforts of European socialists to forge a common position towards the issue of post-war empires, this chapter highlights some of the political stakes involved in decolonization. As debates between European and Asian socialists suggest, the process of decolonization witnessed a struggle between competing rights: national rights, minority rights, and human (individual) rights. Each set of rights possessed far-reaching political implications, none more so than minority rights, as they were often associated with limits on national sovereignty. These limits could be internal, such as constitutional restraints on the working of majority rule; but they could also take the form of external constraints on sovereignty, including alternatives to the nation state itself. The victory of the nation state, in other words, was inextricably tied to the defeat of minority rights as well as the growing predominance of human rights.


Author(s):  
Mark Neocleous

AbstractThis article unearths the political logic of the police kettle. Rather than add to the mundane debate about civil liberties or models of policing, this article argues that the kettle reveals nothing less than the police war at the heart of modernity. This is a police war carried out as a logic of containment against the enemy within—within the kettle and within society. The kettle is a microcosm of the police war of containment.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-369
Author(s):  
David Goodhew

AbstractSouth Africa's churches grew or declined so quickly in the years after 1960 that by 1991 the country's religious map had been redrawn. This article charts and offers explanations for such developments. Almost all Christian churches grew substantially in the first half of the twentieth century but mainline churches were dominant. They continued to grow numerically into the 1960s and 1970s, but were beginning to shrink as a proportion of the expanding population. By contrast, Roman Catholic, African Independent and smaller independent denominations were growing quickly. By the 1990s, mainline Protestant churches were suffering considerable decline and Roman Catholicism's growth had stalled. African Independent and other churches continued to grow rapidly. A matrix of forces help to explain this phenomenon-including the political situation, socio-economic pressures, secularisation and particular religious factors. A comparative perspective shows South Africa's churches to have much in common with African and global trends.


Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

It has often been noted that the political claims of minorities and indigenous peoples are marginalized within traditional state-centric international political theory; but perhaps more surprisingly, they are also marginalized within much contemporary cosmopolitan political theory. In this chapter, I will argue that neither cosmopolitanism nor statism as currently theorized is well equipped to evaluate the normative claims at stake in many minority rights issues. I begin by discussing how the “minority question” arose as an issue within international relations—that is, why minorities have been seen as a problem and a threat to international order—and how international actors have historically attempted to contain the problem, often in ways that were deeply unjust to minorities. I will then consider recent efforts to advance a pro-minority agenda at the international level, and how this agenda helps reveal some of the limits of both cosmopolitan and statist approaches to IPT.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Herman G.B. Teule

In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.


Author(s):  
D.A. Tomiltseva ◽  
A.S. Zheleznov

Artificial agents i.e., man-made technical devices and software that are capable of taking meaningful actions and making independent decisions, permeate almost all spheres of human life today. Being new political actants, they transform the nature of human interactions, which gives rise to the problem of ethical and political regulation of their activities. Therefore, the appearance of such agents triggers a global philosophical reflection that goes beyond technical or practical issues and makes researchers return to the fundamental problems of ethics. The article identifies three main aspects that call for philosophical understanding of the existence of artificial agents. First, artificial agents reveal the true contradiction between declared moral and political values and real social practices. Learning from the data on the assessments and conclusions that have already taken place, artificial agents make decisions that correspond to the prevailing behavioral patterns rather than moral principles of their creators or consumers. Second, the specificity of the creation and functioning of artificial agents brings the problem of responsibility for their actions to the forefront, which, in turn, requires a new approach to the political regulation of the activities of not only developers, customers and users, but also the agents themselves. Third, the current forms of the activity of artificial agents shift the traditional boundaries of the human and raise the question of redefining the humanitarian. Having carefully analyzed the selected aspects, the authors reveal their logic and outline the field for further discussion.


Author(s):  
Hassan Shah ◽  
Ashfaq U. Rehman ◽  
Wajid Mehmood

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.


1993 ◽  
Vol 159 ◽  
pp. 43-47
Author(s):  
H.H Thomsen

An offshore West Greenland licensing found was formally approved by the Danish Minister of Energy on 26 March 1992, and announced in industry journals in the following months. To give interested companies an opportunity to familiarise themselves with the political framework, licensing terms, geology of the licensing area and general working conditions in Greenland, presentations were held in Europe and North America (Christiansen et al., this report. In addition GGU prepared a special information package 'Offshore West Greenland – Exploration Information 1992' for the licensing round. One of the enclosures in this package is a brief review of ice conditions offshore West Greenland with particular reference to the licensing area (Thomsen, 1992; Fig. 1). The licensing round failed to attract any applications, but ice conditions offshore West Greenland remain of prime interest to any group planning geophysical or environmental studies in the area. For this reason a summary of the report enclosed in the information package is given here.


2017 ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Beatriz Rendón-Aguilar ◽  
Graciela González Soto ◽  
María Isabel Oble-Delgadillo ◽  
Virginia Ojeda-Cornejo ◽  
Rosa Elvira Parra-Padilla ◽  
...  

This research had the next objectives: 1] to describe the floristic composition of the orchards where T. bicolor is growing on, in the municipio of Ayutla de los Libres, Guerrero; 2] to describe ethnobotanical aspects related with the uses of T. bicolor and 3] to report the presence of T. bicolor in the state of Guerrero, specifically in the municipio of Ayutla de los Libres. Nine orchards located in different communities and associated to different ethnical composition were sampled. Number of species per sampled area, number of individuals per species and relative density of each species were obtaind. Description of uses of T. bicolor was obtained through interviews applied to farmers (mestizos and indigenous). Species richness, kind of species and relative density show high heterogenity among orchards. Those near the cabecera municipal show variable floristic composition and relative densities of man y fruit species and cuapataxtle are high. Orchards far from the cabecera municipal also show variable floristic composition but relative densities of almost all the species present there are low. The conclusion is that the variability in floristic composition, as well as the differences in relative densities of many species reflect the idea of traditional management, location of orchards respect to the political center of Ayutla and the importance of nearness to places of commercial activity.


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