Introduction

The Last Card ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Timothy Andrews Sayle ◽  
Hal Brands

This introductory chapter provides a background of George W. Bush's decision to deploy more American troops to Iraq in 2007, a desperate attempt to bring order to chaos, and to salvage his administration's signature foreign policy achievement: the ouster of Iraq's tyrannical despot, Saddam Hussein, nearly four years before. Bush's speech on January 10, 2007, and the change in policy it announced were hardly the work of spontaneous initiative, but instead marked the end of a long and secretive process designed to determine whether and how to change the course of a failing war in Iraq. The president's decision had not been easy. In fact, it had been resisted by most of his advisors, including many of his top military commanders, who feared greater loss of lives and treasure, and ultimately defeat. That was a sentiment Bush shared as well. Iraq stood on the precipice of civil war as 2007 began, but it was hardly certain that more American troops and a new strategy could improve conditions on the ground. Many advisors feared that putting more US forces in Iraq would not turn the war around and would instead weaken American positions elsewhere around the globe while straining the US military to the breaking point. Bush and his top aides thus recognized that “the surge” constituted a major strategic gamble, as well as their final chance to restore a floundering US project in Iraq.

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Brian Taylor

This chapter looks at the first two years of the Civil War, when black men were barred from serving in the US Army. It follows the debate that black Northerners conducted about the proper response to the call to serve in the US military, which they were sure would come at some point. Immediate enlistment advocates sparred with those who counseled withholding enlistment until African Americans’ demands had been met. Black Northerners began to articulate the terms under which they would serve the Union, among which citizenship emerged as central, as well as the changes necessary to bring lived reality in the United States in line with the founding principle of equality.


Twejer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 459-502
Author(s):  
NNawzad Abduallah Shukri ◽  

This study attempts to explain the US policy towards Syrian Kurds and highlight the key reasons behind establishing of military relations between Kurds and US. Further, it endeavors to explore the fact that why the US policy towards Syria Kurds is unstable and why Trump administration allowed Turkey to attack Kurdish autonomous region in Syria. In reality, the emergence of relations between Kurds and US backed to 2014, especially when ISIS controlled vast majority of Syria and Iraq territory and posed serious threat to the US security interests in Iraq and region. In this regards, the US saw the Kurdish forces as a trusted partner to confront ISIS in Syria. In particular, the Syrian armed groups did not want to fight ISIS and even some of them had relations with ISIS. However, despite the US military support to the Kurds, but politically US has a contradiction and unstable policy toward Kurds in Syria and it does not have any intention or agenda to support autonomous region or federal system for Kurds. This has been the key reasons behind Trump attempts to withdrawal its troops from Syria without taking into consideration the future of the Kurds there and allowed Turkey to attack Kurds. In fact, Turkey pressures, US willingness to withdrawal its troops form Middle East and defeating ISIS might push US to completely withdrawal all forces and abandon the Kurds in Syria.


Significance Liu was speaking to a Philippines delegation, an illustration of the Duterte administration's initial efforts to forge a new foreign policy and to repair ties with China. Impacts The Philippine communist insurgents, with whom Duterte is negotiating, will push for the US alliance to be cancelled. Duterte's new foreign policy allied with his reaching out to the communists may alienate the Philippine armed forces. Intra-ASEAN pressure to adopt a stronger common position on the South China Sea will reduce. Future US military aid to the Philippines could be at risk. Knowing that Manila cannot respond militarily and thus seeks warmer ties, Beijing may be bullish in Philippine waters.


2011 ◽  
Vol 205 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hays Gries ◽  
Qingmin Zhang ◽  
H. Michael Crowson ◽  
Huajian Cai

AbstractWhat is the nature of Chinese patriotism and nationalism, how does it differ from American patriotism and nationalism, and what impact do they have on Chinese foreign policy attitudes? To explore the structure and consequences of Chinese national identity, three surveys were conducted in China and the US in the spring and summer of 2009. While patriotism and nationalism were empirically similar in the US, they were highly distinct in China, with patriotism aligning with a benign internationalism and nationalism with a more malign blind patriotism. Chinese patriotism/internationalism, furthermore, had no impact on perceived US threats or US policy preferences, while nationalism did. The role of nationalist historical beliefs in structures of Chinese national identity was also explored, as well as the consequences of historical beliefs for the perception of US military and humiliation threats.


2020 ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
N. E. Rybachuk

The article analyzes changes in the US military and political course after the election of D. Trump, including doctrine, military planning and diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Thomas J. Brown

This chapter situates monuments to Union and Confederate leaders within longstanding traditions in art history. Early tributes to Civil War commanders extended antebellum efforts to develop democratic variations on the equestrian statue, a form associated with imperial sovereigns. Monuments to orators illustrated the fading of the lyceum oratory that had shaped public culture during the Civil War era and the increasing emphasis on military commanders as exemplars of leadership. The equestrian statues that proliferated in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century offered allegories of public authority, gradually shifting from popular election of leaders to rank-and-file submission to review by captains of industry. Some monuments explored the possibilities of charismatic democratic leadership, but the prevailing models illustrated the growing influence of professionalization in art as well as in government. The US Army was an important site of professionalization, and the equestrian statue most informed by current military thinking celebrated the establishment of the army general staff as a landmark in American bureaucracy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 51-88
Author(s):  
Craig Jones

This chapter argues that the US-led war in Vietnam (1955–1975) paved the way for institutional changes in the US military, including the establishment of the US Law of War Program, which later precipitated the emergence of a new doctrinal approach to the laws of war called ‘operational law’. Military lawyers emerged from the Vietnam War better equipped and with a formal mandate to advise military commanders on the legality of targeting operations. Military lawyers performed a wide range of duties in Vietnam, especially around Prisoner of War (POW) issues, and were deployed in unprecedented numbers. Military lawyers were not involved in targeting, neither during ‘Operation Rolling Thunder’ nor ‘Operation Linebacker’, but the Vietnam War in general and the My Lai massacre of 1968 in particular helped to create the conditions for their involvement in subsequent wars.


Author(s):  
Christopher Phillips

This chapter analyses the question of western intervention and why no state deployed its military to bring about regime change in Syria. It explores why the Syria conflict attracted so little direct military intervention in its early, formative years, especially by the US. The ‘nonstrike’ of late summer 2013 was something of a watershed in the Syrian civil war. Until that point, some form of military intervention led by the US, modelled on the actions in Libya in 2011, seemed a realistic prospect to many of the key actors and impacted their behaviour. But afterwards, most recognised that US military action against Assad was unlikely. While Obama did eventually authorise direct military action in Syria in September 2014, it was against ISIS, not Assad.


Sociologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Nemanja Zvijer

The paper focuses on the relation between Hollywood industry and political establishment of the USA, particularly US foreign policy and the military intervention as its specific form. Only the biggest and the most significant US military interventions were considered: World War Two, Korean War, Vietnam War, military interventions in Latin America, in the Middle East, Asia, Africa and on Balkan, concerning their treatment in Hollywood movies without analyzing them in broader socio-political context. In addition, the anticommunism in Hollywood is also considered, which was perhaps the most perennial content of the US foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This introductory chapter outlines the US shift in foreign policy to focus on Asia and China and the reasons for it. It considers the degree and speed with which China is catching up with the US economically and militarily and how this is working through into increased political and diplomatic influence. It considers how this is accelerating the long-term decline in US global preeminence, by giving additional leverage to countries that do not want to go along with the behests of the US, whether economically or politically. It summarises the initiatives that the US has begun to put in place to respond to this challenge - from its shift in military focus from the Atlantic to the Pacific to the TPP – and how China has responded. Having outlined the parameters of these global shifts, the chapter explains the structure of the book, and the questions it will address.


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