Nothing Succeeds Like Failure

Author(s):  
Steven Conn

Do business schools actually make good on their promises of “innovative,” “outside-the-box” thinking to train business leaders who will put society ahead of money-making? Do they help society by making better business leaders? This book asserts that they do not and they never have. In throwing down a gauntlet on the business of business schools, the book examines the frictions, conflicts, and contradictions at the heart of these enterprises and details the way business schools have failed to resolve them. Beginning with founding of the Wharton School in 1881, the book measures these schools' aspirations against their actual accomplishments and tells the full and disappointing history of missed opportunities, unmet aspirations, and educational mistakes. It then poses a set of crucial questions about the role and function of American business schools. The results are not pretty. Posing a set of crucial questions about the function of American business schools, the book is pugnacious and controversial. It argues that the impressive façades of business school buildings resemble nothing so much as collegiate versions of Oz. It pulls back the curtain to reveal a story of failure to meet the expectations of the public, their missions, their graduates, and their own lofty aspirations of producing moral and ethical business leaders.

2021 ◽  
Vol 246 ◽  
pp. 354-373
Author(s):  
Nicolai Volland

AbstractRed Guard newspapers and pamphlets (wenge xiaobao) were a key source for early research on the Cultural Revolution, but they have rarely been analysed in their own right. How did these publications regard their status and function within the larger information ecosystem of the People's Republic, and what is their role in the history of the modern Chinese public sphere? This article focuses on a particular subset of Red Guard papers, namely those published by radical groups within the PRC's press and publication system. These newspapers critiqued the pre-Cultural Revolution press and reflected upon the possible futures of a new, revolutionary Chinese press. Short-lived as these experiments were, they constitute a test case to re-examine the functioning of the public in a decidedly “uncivil” polity. Ultimately, they point to the ambiguous potential of the public for both consensus and conflict, liberation and repression, which characterizes the press in 20th-century China.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (6) ◽  
pp. 304-306
Author(s):  
Ducksun Ahn

The Korean Medical Association (KMA) was established by legal mandate. It is a statutory body for the medical profession. However, the collective dimension of professionalism is a foreign concept for Korean doctors; the KMA is perceived as a fraternity of physicians. Korea’s history of medical professionalization is different from that of Western countries where two different kinds of professional organization have developed: one for the public as a regulator and the other for doctors as a union or trade association. The KMA represents doctors nationally assembled by type of practice, geographic location, and function. Consequently, the KMA became a trade association. However, it is not easy for the KMA to serve two conflicting functions of self-regulation and trading body under one umbrella. It is time for the KMA to build up the organizational strength for the sake of doctors as well as the public. Having a sound trade association is a part of medical professionalism; it can advocate the critical value of medicine against undue influences from employers or governments in the era of industrialization and commercialization of medicine. To achieve this goal, the KMA should revamp its troublesome communication structure regarding its governance. Improving integration among key acting bodies within the KMA can streamline management by better communication. Preventing political feudalism to build consensus within the KMA requires new competencies for the leaders as well as the members of the KMA.


Author(s):  
Steven Conn

This chapter examines why educational leaders and businessmen in the United States thought it was a good idea to establish business schools in the first place. The answer often offered at the time was that American business itself had grown so big and complex by the turn of the twentieth century that a new university-level education was now required for the new world of managerial work. However, the more powerful rationale was that businessmen wanted the social status and cultural cachet that came with a university degree. The chapter then looks at the Wharton School of Finance and Economy at the University of Pennsylvania, which was founded in 1881 and became the first business school in the United States. All of the more than six hundred business schools founded in the nearly century and a half since descend from Wharton.


2009 ◽  
Vol 131 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Bye

The letters published in Melbourne's three TV magazines ( Listener In-TV, TV Week and TV Times) during the establishment period of the city's television service offer an insight into a number of the issues, concerns and interests that were a feature of the public negotiation of television during this period, as well as attesting to an understanding that the local production landscape was a shared enterprise answerable to the viewers who supported it. The vociferous discussions that took place in the public arena of the letters pages were not necessarily representative of any general response to the city's TV service, but they unsettle the idea that TV was something that ‘happened to’ viewers who would soak up whatever entertainment was on offer. In this discussion, I explore the role and function of these print-based TV forums by focusing on the correspondence generated by In Melbourne Tonight's most famous barrel girl, Panda Lisner, whose changing fortunes demonstrated the determination of a number of viewers to play a participatory, even regulatory, role in the Melbourne production landscape.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra T. Barnes

Abstract:U.S. involvement in Africa is growing following threats of terrorism and interruptions in oil production and because of desires by foreign corporations to expand their activities on the continent. The response of American policymakers has been to establish a stronger military presence that will engage in counterterrorism initiatives and police oil installations. The goals and extent of this buildup, and the ideology legitimating it, are new. They are departures from Cold War policies. Similarly, the response of American business leaders to weaknesses in the infrastructure and political order of African states leads them to establish their own forms of community development, known as strategic philanthropy, so as to protect and expand local markets. Despite these major developments, the media are not informing the public. This article examines the implications of these military and business initiatives for African nations and the reasons for lack of information about them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 308-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aidan Worsley ◽  
Liz Beddoe ◽  
Ken McLaughlin ◽  
Barbra Teater

Abstract The anticipated change of social work regulator in England from the Health and Care Professions Council to Social Work England in 2019 will herald the third, national regulator in seven years for the social work profession. Social Work England will be a new, bespoke, professionally specific regulator established as a non-departmental public body with a primary objective to protect the public. Looking globally, we can observe different approaches to the regulation of the social work profession—and many different stages of the profession’s regulatory journey between countries. Using a comparative policy analysis approach and case studies, this article looks more closely at three countries’ arrangements and attempts to understand why regulation might take the shape it does in each country. The case studies examine England, the USA (as this has a state approach, we focus on New York) and New Zealand, with contributions from qualified social work authors located within each country. We consider that there are three key elements to apply to analysis: definition of role and function, the construction of the public interest and the attitude to risk.


2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. BRUCE CRAIG

Abstract One of the goals of the summer 2006 issue of The Public Historian, which focused on the presidential library system, was ““to provoke discussion, especially on the issues that have not received sufficient attention or have been largely avoided”” (Larry J. Hackman, ““Introduction,”” p. 7). This essay responds to the lead article in that special issue, Sharon Fawcett's ““Presidential Libraries: A View From the Center.”” Craig warns against the potential for ““politicization”” that could result from greater centralized control NARA's presidential libraries. He argues that NARA has consistently failed to articulate to Congress the true funding needs of the presidential libraries for records processing; he suggests how these needs could be more effectively communicated to Congress and proposes a fiscal solution (earmarking a portion of endowment and trust funds) to address the records processing backlog. Craig also reflects on the role and function of library supporting foundations and advances the notion that NARA library directors should not be permitted to serve as the head of such foundations. Finally, he argues that before focusing on public programming and educational outreach, NARA needs to reinvigorate emphasis on the original purposes of presidential libraries-archival preservation and access.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-328
Author(s):  
Lan Phuong PHAM

AbstractThe people’s procuracy is a transplanted Soviet-style institution in Vietnam, which currently exercises the public prosecution function along with the supervision of judicial activities. Debates about the procuracy’s role and function started as early as when the 1992 Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (1992 Constitution) was drafted and they were facilitated by the judicial reform policies. In the process of revising the 1992 Constitution, heated debates on the procuracy continued. The subject of these debates included almost every fundamental aspect of the procuracy such as its institutional location, functions, duties, organization, and operation. This article reviews the constitutional debates concerning the procuracy between 2011 and 2013. It analyzes and compares the developments of the debates in this period with those that had occurred in the past, highlighting, in particular, key issues that remain unresolved. It argues that the controversy surrounding the procuracy reflects the legal and political complexities in Vietnam, especially the lack of agreement on institutional issues such as the rule of law, socialist legality, and control of powers.


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