British Vulnerability and the Conquest of Mesopotamia

2020 ◽  
pp. 80-91
Author(s):  
Rosemary A. Kelanic
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Control Strategy ◽  
Military Power ◽  
British Government ◽  
Direct Control ◽  
World War ◽  
Oil Policy ◽  
The Government

This chapter discusses British oil policy before World War I. In the decade before World War I, the British government was becoming increasingly aware of the importance of oil for military power. But few officials anticipated that oil would become so indispensable to war that a country would be unable to prevail in a conflict without it. The chapter then analyzes Britain's choice to pursue a direct-control strategy in late 1918 by invading Mesopotamia. Dire vulnerability, underpinned by a yawning petroleum deficit and Britain's severe susceptibility to blockade as an island nation, spurred the government to accept the high costs and risks of securing oil with this most extreme strategy.

The Government of War

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-793
Author(s):  
Dina Rizk Khoury
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
State System ◽  
World War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Security Services ◽  
Short Piece ◽  
The Government

I write this piece as Iraq, following Syria, descends into a civil war that is undermining the post–World War I state system and reconfiguring regional and transnational networks of mobilization and instrumentalizations of violence and identity formation. That the Middle East has come to this moment is not an inevitable product of the artificiality of national borders and the precariousness of the state system. It is important to avoid this linear narrative of inevitability, with its attendant formulations of the Middle East as a repository of a large number of absences, and instead to locate the current wars in a specific historical time: the late and post–Cold War eras, marked by the agendas of the Washington Consensus and the globalization of neoliberal discourses; the privatization of the developmental and welfare state; the institutional devolution and multiplication of security services; and the entrenchment of new forms of colonial violence and rule in Israel and Palestine and on a global scale. The conveners of this roundtable have asked us to reflect on the technopolitics of war in the context of this particular moment and in light of the pervasiveness of new governmentalities of war. What I will do in this short piece is reflect on the heuristic and methodological possibilities of the study of war as a form of governance, or what I call the “government of war,” in light of my own research and writing on Iraq.

scholarly journals The Politics of Russian Memory: The Great War in the European Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-235
Author(s):  
Olga S. Porshneva
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Great War

This article examines how the historical memory of World War I emerged and developed in Russia, and also compares it to how Europeans have thought about the conflict. The author argues that the politics of memory differed during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. In the wake of the 1917 Revolution, Bolshevik efforts to re-format the memory of the Great War were part of its attempt to create a new society and new man. At the same time, the regime used it to mobilize society for the impending conflict with the 'imperialist' powers. The key actors that sought to inculcate the notion of the war with imperialism into Soviet mass consciousness were the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Communist Party, the Department of Agitation and Propaganda, and, in particular, the Red Army and Comintern. The latter two worked together to organize the major campaigns dedicated to war anniversaries, which were important both to reinforce the concept of imperialist war as well as to involve the masses in public commemorations, rituals and practices. The Soviet state also relied on organizations of war veterans to promote such commemorative practices while suppressing any alternative narratives. The article goes on to explain how, under Stalin, the government began to change the way it portrayed the Great War in the mid-1930s. And after the Second World War, Soviet politics of memory differed greatly from those in the West. In the USSR the Great Patriotic War was sacralized, while the earlier conflict remained a symbol of unjust imperialist wars.

The Turkish Irritant

2021 ◽  
pp. 62-85
Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Lambert
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
British Government ◽  
World War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

The world war that began in the summer of 1914 confirmed widespread prewar expectations that a third war in the Balkans could drag in the superpowers. In the weeks that followed, Turkey, still neutral, became increasingly belligerent. British government policy was to appease Turkey in order to avoid conflict. Churchill disagreed with this policy, believing that war with Turkey was unavoidable and that the sooner it came, the better. At his instigation, the government reviewed contingency war plans to capture the Gallipoli but found that Britain lacked the resources to implement them. After Turkey joined the Central Powers in November 1914, Britain had no strategy for prosecuting the war against Turkey. But the British government was not much concerned, incorrectly believing that Turkey was incapable of hurting any vital British interests.

scholarly journals The formation of the Ulster Home Guard

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 (158) ◽  
pp. 230-246
Author(s):  
William Butler
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Police Force ◽  
British Government ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
World War ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Second World

AbstractThis article explores the problems encountered in the formation of the Ulster Home Guard, supposedly a direct equivalent to its well-known British counterpart, as part of the paramilitary Ulster Special Constabulary in Northern Ireland, during the Second World War. Predictably, the Ulster Home Guard became an almost exclusively Protestant organisation which led to many accusations of sectarianism from a variety of different national and international voices. This became a real concern for the British government, as well as the army, which understandably wished to avoid any such controversy. Though assumptions had previously been made about the numbers of Catholics in the force, this article explores just how few joined the organisation throughout the war. Additionally, the article investigates the rather awkward constitutional position in which the Ulster Home Guard was placed. Under the Government of Ireland Act, the Stormont administration had no authority on matters of home defence. It did, however, have the power to raise a police force as a way to maintain law and order. Still, the Ulster Home Guard, although formed as part of the Ulster Special Constabulary, was entrusted solely with home defence and this had wider implications for British policy towards Northern Ireland throughout the Second World War.

Fiscal News and Inflationary Expectations in Germany after World War I

1986 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 769-794 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven B. Webb
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Price Stability ◽  
World War ◽  
Tax Reforms ◽  
Government Deficits ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Negative News ◽  
Inflation Tax ◽  
The Government

Inflation in Germany from 1919 to 1923 resulted from the accumulation and the anticipation of government deficits. Inflationary expectations depended therefore on fiscal news. Allied demands for reparations, the occupation of the Ruhr, and domestic revolts were important negative news and led to increased inflation. Tax reforms and eventually the end to government deficits were important positive news and ushered in periods of price stability. Political events were fiscal news as they changed the chances for the government to balance the budget.

‘Messing with Coloured People’: The 1918 Police Strike in Cape Town, South Africa

1992 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Nasson
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
South African ◽  
Cape Town ◽  
World War ◽  
Natural Justice ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Lower Ranking ◽  
The Government ◽  
South African Police ◽  
National Police

This article seeks to provide an interpretation of a strike by white policemen in Cape Town in 1918. It argues that this defensive dispute over wages and living conditions can best be understood not simply through an examination of service dissatisfaction in the urban police community, but by incorporating this episode into the larger picture of South African police development in the early decades of the present century. In this broader context, several factors seem general and influential: local social resentments over the terms of national police organization after Union; police practices and attitudes, especially in relation to the increasing recruitment of Afrikaners; the position of white working-class policemen in the ‘civilized labour’ stratification of Cape Town society; and, most visibly, the inflationary effect of the First World War on the living standards of poorly paid, disaffected and unorganized constables. It is argued that these converging pressures generated a severe crisis of work discipline in 1917 and 1918 which tipped the Cape Town police into a classical natural justice strike. While ordinary policemen were split between petitioners and younger, less hesitant radicals, there was considerable popular support for strikers’ claims, both within the Cape police body and the local white labour movement. The government used a strategy of provisional concessions to settle the dispute. In conclusion, it is suggested that the strike experience helped to strengthen associational bonds between lower-ranking policemen and that a commitment by the state to improved service conditions provided an anxious constabulary with a more secure ‘civilized labour’ identity in the post-World War I period.

The research laboratories of Associated Electrical Industries Ltd

1951 ◽  
Vol 210 (1101) ◽  
pp. 145-172 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Power Transmission ◽  
World War ◽  
Group Research ◽  
Good Selection ◽  
Transmission Equipment ◽  
The World ◽  
Prime Movers ◽  
The Government ◽  
Research Facilities

The Associated Electrical Industries Ltd. comprises a group of independent companies concerned with the manufacture of prime movers, generators, power-transmission equipment and practically every kind of electricity-consuming device. The two largest of the group of companies are the Metropolitan-Vickers Electrical Co. Ltd. at Trafford Park, Manchester, and the British Thomson-Houston Co. Ltd. at Rugby. While there are research facilities in each of the companies of the group, research has until recently been concentrated very largely in the laboratories of the two main companies, the laboratories being separate autonomous bodies independently directed. Both these laboratories have been developed since World War I and both played no insignificant part in the last war. Accounts of each are being presented by Mr Churcher and Mr Davies. I should like to make brief mention of one matter about which there is frequent misunderstanding. It is often said that industry takes the best men from the universities, but my experience has shown that this traffic is in fact two-way. It is true that our companies take hundreds of young graduate engineers from universities all over the world, and of these a good selection is recruited to the research departments; but from our laboratories have also gone very many trained scientists into a large number of university positions, over a score into professorial chairs and senior positions throughout the government scientific services. It is my profound conviction that this flow in both directions is most desirable and should be encouraged as much as possible.

The Radium Committee of the Royal Society and the fate of the substances purchased by it

2012 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Todd
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Royal Society ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Research Fund ◽  
World War ◽  
Ernest Rutherford ◽  
History Of ◽  
Government Laboratory ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

In this article, documents relating to the history of the Radium Committee of the Royal Society are collated for the first time. Founded in 1903, the committee had its status enhanced in 1904, when the Goldsmiths' Company donated £1000 for the establishment of a Radium Research Fund. Two years later the fund was used to purchase 500 kg of pitchblende residues from the Austrian government. The French chemist Armet de Lisle was contracted to perform the first stage of extraction, and the process of purification was performed at the Government Laboratory during 1907 by the Government Analyst, T. E. Thorpe, yielding an estimated 70 mg of radium chloride. In 1914 the unexpended balance of about £500 was awarded to Ernest Rutherford, but the bulk was not used until 1921, when Rutherford had moved to Cambridge. The fund was then used to purchase radium that had been on loan to him from Austria before World War I. After Rutherford's death in 1937 the Committee was wound up, and the Society's radium was controlled on a more ad hoc basis. After Thorpe's work in 1907, the radium was lent out successively to several leading scientists until its existence was last recorded in 1953.

Governments and Authorities in Exile

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. E. Oppenheimer
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
British Government ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Legal Problems ◽  
The Face ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
Special Circumstances

The governments-in-exile present new problems created by the special circumstances of this war. During World War I, belligerent occupation played an important rôle. Disregarding smaller incidents, the following occupations may be mentioned: that of Belgium and parts of France by German troops; parts of White Russia by Austro-Hungarian troops; of Serbia and Macedonia by German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian troops; of Rumania by German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian troops; of parts of Italy by Austro-Hungarian and German troops; of parts of Austria by Russian troops; of parts of Alsace-Lorraine by French troops; and of Palestine by British troops. As a result of the invasion of its territories the Belgian Government exercised its functions in Sainte-Adresse, France, and the Serbian Government in Corfu, Greece, but it is not known that the activity of these sovereignties-in-exile has raised any significant legal problems. Since 1940 an increasing number of governments have been forced to flee their homelands in the face of hostile armed forces and have been invited by the British Government to establish themselves in the United Kingdom. We have now a “Miniature Europe” in London. There are at present eight foreign governments in England: Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Greece, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Norway, Poland and Yugoslavia.

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