When Speech Advances Civil Rights

Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This chapter draws attention to free speech awyers who defend freedom of speech that often find themselves defending people and causes that they personally find reprehensible. It mentions stock free speech clichés used by lawyers, which implies that lawyers may disagree on what their clients say but not their right to say it. It also analyzes Virginia Law School professor Leslie Kendrick's explanation on modern free speech principles, clarifying that it exists to shield unpopular views from the power of majorities. The chapter mentions the believers of the order and morality theory that argues that free speech principles should protect those on the side of righteousness and justice, such as the Black Lives Matter or Antifa in today's civil rights movements. It discusses the New York Times and Claiborne Hardware cases in order to explain why believers of the marketplace theory are not inclined to trust the government.

2009 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 636-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Amenta ◽  
Neal Caren ◽  
Sheera Joy Olasky ◽  
James E. Stobaugh

Why did some social movement organization (SMO) families receive extensive media coverage? In this article, we elaborate and appraise four core arguments in the literature on movements and their consequences: disruption, resource mobilization, political partisanship, and whether a movement benefits from an enforced policy. Our fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analyses (fsQCA) draw on new, unique data from the New York Times across the twentieth century on more than 1,200 SMOs and 34 SMO families. At the SMO family level, coverage correlates highly with common measures of the size and disruptive activity of movements, with the labor and African American civil rights movements receiving the most coverage. Addressing why some movement families experienced daily coverage, fsQCA indicates that disruption, resource mobilization, and an enforced policy are jointly sufficient; partisanship, the standard form of “political opportunity,” is not part of the solution. Our results support the main perspectives, while also suggesting that movement scholars may need to reexamine their ideas of favorable political contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-296
Author(s):  
Mehrnaz Khanjani

By applying framing analysis to the New York Times’ news articles, this study shows that during the nuclear negotiations and after the deal, Iran and its officials were framed with Orientalist stereotypes. The Foreign Minister was positively presented for his Western attributes and framed as an enemy for his affiliations with the government. President Rouhani’s framing discredited him by highlighting the despotic nature of Iran, and the Leader was presented as an irrational despot.


2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Rafail ◽  
Edward T. Walker ◽  
John D. McCarthy

Past research has illuminated consistent patterns in the type of protests that receive media attention. Still, we know relatively little about the differential prominence editors assign to events deemed worthy of coverage. We argue that while media routines shape whether events are covered, mass media organizations, social institutions, and systemic changes are important factors in determinations of prominence. To examine patterns of prominence, this study analyzes the factors influencing page placement patterns of protests covered in the New York Times, 1960-1995. We find that (1) protests are less likely to appear prominently over time, but this effect is conditioned by the paper’s editorial and publishing regime; (2) regime effects were especially consequential for civil rights and peace protests; (3) effects of event size and violence weakened over time; and (4) events embedded within larger cycles of protest coverage during less constricted news cycles were more likely to be featured prominently.


Author(s):  
Matthew Salzano

After the murder of George Floyd in May 2020, Black Lives Matter protests surged around the globe. Amid COVID-19, activism on social media flourished. On Instagram, use of the ten-image carousel as an informative slideshow akin to a PowerPoint presentation gained significant attention: The New York Times highlighted their “effort to democratize access to information." In this paper, I rhetorically analyze case studies to illustrate how Instagram slideshows facilitated deliberation about participation. I argue that these posts reveal a tension in platformed digital activism: as digital templates broaden access to participation, technoliberal ideology constrains activist judgment.


Author(s):  
Andrew T. Kenyon

This chapter examines how free speech interacts with defamation law. When thinking about defamation law and free speech, it can be difficult not to consider the classic US case of New York Times v Sullivan. The decision substantially changed how US defamation law treats political speech, and has resonated widely in other jurisdictions. It increased the burdens facing public officials who sue in defamation, making it far more difficult for them to succeed. The chapter draws out two broad issues from Sullivan and subsequent decisions which have relevance for understanding defamation and free speech more generally, especially democratic aspects of freedom of expression. It also highlights three ways in which the reform of defamation law could better protect free speech. First, legal doctrine could be reformed. Second, remedies could be altered to reduce the chill of defamation law. Third, and perhaps less often recognized, the effective degree of freedom of speech provided under any given defamation law depends greatly on litigation practice. Reforming defamation litigation has been tried in many jurisdictions and there have long been proposals for larger reforms, such as developing alternative dispute resolution methods and venues for defamation claims.


1998 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.N. Mohamed

Both the New York Times and Chicago Tribune opposed major civil rights laws, but the Times' opposition was earlier and stronger.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cahyo Adi Nugroho

<p>This article employs the media narratives and semiotics analytical approach to examine how Edward Snowden was constructed in online publications of the <em>Times</em> and the <em>Post</em> as two major national newspapers in the United States. The analysis finds that both media successfully construct Snowden positively as a new kind of leaker and as a hero in the sense that he brings back the importance of freedom of speech as a living myth in the United States. He is still viewed as a hero despite his moving to Russia, the political enemy of the United States. The analysis also shows that both media perpetuate the myth of free speech. They construct Snowden’s action positively as a new method to give people courage to criticize the government.</p>


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