Hiding the Guillotine

Author(s):  
Emmanuel Taïeb ◽  
Mitchel P. Roth

This book examines the question of state involvement in violence by tracing the evolution of public executions in France. Why did the state move executions from the bloody and public stage of the guillotine to behind prison doors? The book exposes the rituals and theatrical form of the death penalty and tells us who watched, who participated in, and who criticized (and ultimately brought an end to) a spectacle that the state called “punishment.” France's abolition of the death penalty in 1981 has long overshadowed its suppression of public executions over forty years earlier. Since the Revolution, executions attracted tens of thousands of curious onlookers. But, gradually, there was a shift in attitude and the public no longer saw this as a civilized pastime. Why? The book answers this question. It demonstrates the ways in which the media was at the vanguard of putting an end to the publicity surrounding the death penalty. The press had ample reason to be critical: cities were increasingly being used for leisure activity and prisons for those accused of criminal activity. The agitation surrounding each execution, coupled with a growing identification with the condemned, would blur these boundaries.

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (H16) ◽  
pp. 637-637
Author(s):  
P. S. Bretones

Eclipses are among the celestial events that draw the attention of the public. This paper discusses strategies for using eclipses as public communication opportunities in the media. It discusses the impact of articles written by the author and analysis of published material for 25 observed eclipses over the last 30 years by mass media in the state of São Paulo, Brazil. On each occasion, a standard article was posted on the Internet and sent to newspapers, radio and TV with information, such as: date, time and local circumstances; type of the eclipse; area of visibility; explanation; diagram of the phenomenon, and the Moon's path through Earth's shadow; eclipses in history; techniques of observation; getting photographs; place and event for public observation. Over the years, direct contact was maintained with the media and jounralists by the press offices of the institutions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 129-141
Author(s):  
Deimantas Jastramskis

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama valstybės paramos žiniasklaidos subjektams politikos raida 1991–2012 m. Remiantis priimtais teisės aktais nustatoma, kokia parama ir kokiais laikotarpiais per Spaudos, radijo ir televizijos rėmimo fondą ir mokesčių subsidijų būdu buvo teikiama žiniasklaidai Lietuvoje. Analizuojamaspaudos ir su ja susijusių paslaugų neapmokestinimo ir apmokestinimo bendrojo akcizo, pridėtinės vertės mokesčiu bei lengvatų taikymo problematika.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad palyginti dažni teisės aktų, susijusių su spaudos apmokestinimu pridėtinės vertės mokesčiu, keitimai ir kasmet skiriamos paramos žiniasklaidai iš valstybės biudžeto dydžio priklausymas nuo politinės daugumos valios parlamente rodo, kad išlaidų ir mokesčių subsidijų politika žiniasklaidos subjektų atžvilgiu 1991–2012 m. nebuvo tinkamai formuojama ir įgyvendinama.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: valstybė, politika, žiniasklaida, mokesčiai, parama, subsidijos, lengvatos.The media support policy in LithuaniaDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryThe article analyzes the development of state support policy for media organizations in Lithuania in 1991–2012. There are examined direct subsidies from the state budget and indirect subsidies such as value added tax exemption. The value added tax on press sales has changed several times. The exemption of the value added tax for periodicals was removed in 2009–2012. Media organizations receive state budget subsidies through the public body of the Press, Radio and Television Support Fund. The total amount of subsidies from the state budget changes every year. It depends on the political will of the Lithuanian Parliament. The article claims that the media support policy in Lithuania has not been consistent and effective.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Kacper Kosma Kocur

The media system in Israel todayThe paper examines the media system in the state of Israel. It takes into account both the history of the media — from the press through radio and television to the internet — and the current situation. The author describes the most important Israeli media: newspapers, television and radio stations, as well as websites, taking into consideration their popularity on the market, political orientation and importance in Israel’s media world.


Author(s):  
Emmanuel Taïeb

Executionary publicity was not universally contested. Many people were still attached to the show of political force embodied by public executions, as well as the opportunity to morally “test” oneself. Faced with the advocates of this form of “brutalization,” the chapter examines the arguments that backed the preservation of public rituals of execution. It includes discussions about the demand for exemplarity and attempts to delegitimize the regime in its attempts to reform the Criminal Code; the plan to restore the use of corporal punishment and the whip as a deterrent to crime; the people's thirst for the guillotine in the wake of the Soleilland affair paradoxically led to a major victory for the pro-death-penalty camp; compartmentalization of the civilizing process and insensitivity to suffering of the general populace; the executions, brutalization and glorification of the violence of war; the diffusion of military values in service of executions being conditioned by “trivialization”; a martial relationship to executions, executions that attracted spectators; lastly the transforming of an execution into a good death “by self-punishment” and a “good death” by convincing the public that punishment was administered by an autonomous individual to himself rather than by the law.


Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger von Seth

The Russian media system was during most of the 20th century part of the state institutions. During glasnost and perestroika, the media became gradually more independent of the state. However, the subsequent apex of journalistic freedom in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was followed by stagnation and a pronounced democratic setback following Putin’s accession to power. Despite this, the findings based on qualitative text analysis of articles in the daily press strongly indicate that after 1991 readers of the press are being increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens, a tendency which is strengthened during the entire period of study. Methods for text examination are speech act and modality analysis, exploring how readers are discursively positioned in the sample text material, which covers the democratically critical time span 1978–2003. The findings imply that although post-Soviet journalism itself faces considerable difficulties, a firm cultural ground for citizen participation in society has been laid through changes in press language.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 209
Author(s):  
Agus Toto Widyatmoko

Abstract :The mass media had great influence in conveying a message against their common. The values of the message was set out in the text and images are presented by the media. The message may contain meaning positive and inspiring in describing events, so that is not interfere psychological of audience.  In the context of photojournalism, the expression that the power of the image can be far beyond the message conveyed through text. Because the meaning of the message, the essence of photojournalism must pay attention to the rules of journalism were set in the Press Law and the Code of Ethics of Journalism. An understanding of the ethics of photojournalism is not only for internal media, but also to a audience. Thus, the public can judge the mindset of media displaying photographic work does pay attention to aesthetic aspects or ignore the rules of journalism. Keywords: Photojournalism, Press Law, the Code of Ethics Journalism, the Power of Image


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