The language of the press in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia: Creation of the citizen role through newspaper discourse

Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger von Seth

The Russian media system was during most of the 20th century part of the state institutions. During glasnost and perestroika, the media became gradually more independent of the state. However, the subsequent apex of journalistic freedom in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was followed by stagnation and a pronounced democratic setback following Putin’s accession to power. Despite this, the findings based on qualitative text analysis of articles in the daily press strongly indicate that after 1991 readers of the press are being increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens, a tendency which is strengthened during the entire period of study. Methods for text examination are speech act and modality analysis, exploring how readers are discursively positioned in the sample text material, which covers the democratically critical time span 1978–2003. The findings imply that although post-Soviet journalism itself faces considerable difficulties, a firm cultural ground for citizen participation in society has been laid through changes in press language.

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Kacper Kosma Kocur

The media system in Israel todayThe paper examines the media system in the state of Israel. It takes into account both the history of the media — from the press through radio and television to the internet — and the current situation. The author describes the most important Israeli media: newspapers, television and radio stations, as well as websites, taking into consideration their popularity on the market, political orientation and importance in Israel’s media world.


2018 ◽  
pp. 129-159
Author(s):  
Anna Dahlgren

Chapter 4 explores how mass media, in the form of daily press, professional journals and television, represented and interpreted contemporary art that was deemed as illegal acts. In consequence, it considers how media discourses intervened and acted in such artistic and legal processes. At the centre of this study are artworks made by three Swedish artists between 1967 and 2009 which were simultaneously considered as both artistic statements and real illegal deeds. These artworks and the ensuing media debates are illuminating examples of how the notion of art is continuously negotiated and interpreted very differently by various agents in diverse contexts. This chapter, therefore, expands its focus beyond the typical agents of the art world such as curators, critics and art historians to include statements and writing by representatives of politics, media, entertainment, law and the general public. Being controversial acts, these artworks were open to multiple interpretations and fed smoothly into the logic of the media system. Accordingly, the artists and their artworks were described as breaking news in the standard vocabulary of the press. In addition, they all elicited extensive media discussions on the definition of art.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Significance At the beginning of 2021, the ZP coalition of the Law and Justice (PiS), Accord and United Poland (SP) parties is stable, but not as strong as it has been in previous years. This weakening in the PiS-led government’s condition is due to many factors, among which the coronavirus pandemic is one of the most important. Impacts The process will continue of subordinating any independent state institutions still left to party control. PiS will take further, similar steps regarding the media, academia and NGOs. After months of pandemic lockdown, the state of the economy is stable if not ideal, and will not lead to early elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.


2000 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga V. Malinkina ◽  
Douglas M. McLeod

This study analyzed newspaper coverage of conflicts in Afghanistan and Chechnya by the New York Times and the Russian newspaper Izvestia to examine the impact of political change on news coverage. The Soviet Union's dissolution included dramatic changes to the Russian media system. In addition, the dissipation of the Cold War changed the foreign policy of the United States. A content analysis revealed that the changes to the media system in Russia had a profound impact on Izvestia's coverage, but political changes had little impact on the New York Times' coverage.


Author(s):  
Larysa Platash

The article analyzes the state-public mechanisms for the development of inclusive education in Ukraine for the period 1990-2020. In the 1990s, there was inertia on the part of state institutions in deciding to implement inclusive education. For a long time, Ukraine was limited to implementing only state programs («Children of Ukraine», «Long-term Program for the Advancement of Women, Family, Maternal and Child Welfare», «State National Program «Education» (Ukraine of the 21st Century)», etc.. In fact, in 2011 inclusive education was introduced in Ukrainian schools when the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine approved Decree No. 872 of August 15, 2011. Since then, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine has been pursuing an active policy of developing inclusive education, publishing educational and methodological literature on the topic. The author of the article distinguishes three periods of the development of inclusive education in Ukraine during its independence. The first (1990-2001), when there is a slowdown, moderation of the state’s actions in introducing declarative changes in the country's legislation; considerable attention is paid to the implementation of state programs to support children. The second period (2001-2010) begins with the general project work of the All-Ukrainian Fund «Step by Step», the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine and the Institute of Special Education of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of Ukraine; it concludes with the approval of the «Concept for the Development of Inclusive Education». In terms of the development of an inclusive educational environment, the work of many public organizations and foundations on the formation of philosophy of inclusion and the formation of a social ground for the introduction of inclusive education was fruitful. The third period (2011-2020) is characterized by excessive attention of the state, various institutions, teachers, the public to the problems of inclusive education for people with special needs, as well as informing the population through the media about achievements in the field of inclusive education. The implementation of inclusive education in Ukraine is supported in close cooperation with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine by the International Fund «Renaissance», «Open Society Foundation», All-Ukrainian Fund «Step by Step», «Inclusion Support Network. School for All», «Poroshenko Charity Foundation», etc. Joint initiatives are aimed at introducing inclusive education and creating a positive environment for the perception of inclusion of people with impaired psychophysical development.


Author(s):  
Manfred Knoche

Abstract: This paper discusses how the capitalist media industry has been structurally transformed in the age of digital communications. It takes an approach that is grounded in the Marxian critique of the political economy of the media. It draws a distinction between media capital, media-oriented capital, media infrastructure capital and media-external capital as the forms of capital in the media industry. The article identifies four capital strategies that media capital tends to use in order to try to maximise profits: a) The substitution of “old” by “new” media technology, b) the introduction of new transmission channels for “old” media products, c) the definition of new property rights for media sectors and networks, d) the reduction of production and transaction costs. The drive to profit maximization is at the heart of the capitalist media industry’s structural transformation. This work also discusses the tendency to the universalization of the media system in the digital age and the economic contradictions arising from it. It identifies activity fields of the media industry’s structural transformation and shows how the concentration of the capitalist media markets is an essential, contradictory and inherent feature of the capitalist media system and its structural transformation. The paper identifies six causes of why capital seeks to employ capital strategies that result in the media industry’s structural transformation. They include market saturation, overaccumulation, the tendency of the profit rate to fall, capital-concentration, competition pressure, and advertising. The paper finally discusses the role of the state as an agent of capital in general and media capital in particular. It discusses the role of the state in privatisations, neoliberal deregulation, the formation of national competitive states, and various benefits that the state provides for media capital. This contribution shows that capital and capitalism are the main structural transformers of the media and communications system. For understanding these transformations, we need an approach that is grounded in Marx’s critique of the political economy.Translation from German: Christian Fuchs and Marisol Sandoval


Author(s):  
M. D. Romanova

The article discusses the process of popularization of science in France in terms of bilateral cooperation between scientists and the media. Mediator in the relationship of the two parties is a science journalist. The long history of interaction between researchers and journalists in France can serve as a theoretical model applicable to the Russian media system. Science journalist, acting primarily as a popularizer of science, is intended to bring to the uninitiated reader scientific facts in an accessible form. In this connection, still the question remains about the specialized education of science journalists: whether he should specialize in a particular field or possess the basics of writing and be able to transpose the complex scientific language. French popular science magazines are not only popular among scientists themselves who are willing to cooperate with publishers and participate in the preparation of the editions, but also among readers. Relations between science journalists and scientists should be considered at the theoretical and practical levels. The paper analyzes in detail the first level, which includes the history of the emergence of scientific journalism in France since the first edition of the scientificjournal in Europe, as well as peculiarities of the educational system in this field. A special role in shaping ideas about the role of science journalists belongs to the Association of Science Journalists of informational press, organization, which is actively involved in the development of trust between scientists and journalists.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239386172110402
Author(s):  
Imran Parray ◽  
Saima Saeed

This article, while attempting to rethink the media historiography of South Asia, traces the early origins of press systems in princely India. Focusing on Jammu and Kashmir state, it offers an assessment of socio-political and historical factors which contributed to the trajectory of growth of the press in the state while tracing its relationship with the princely politics, indigenous politico-religious movements, and the British colonial state vis-a-vis an emerging colonial public. The larger aim of the article is to shift focus to media cultures of princely India and bring them onto the centre stage of postcolonial historiography. We argue that such a study of the press systems—which existed in princely states but have hitherto remained a neglected subject—will not only complement the current understanding of postcolonial media studies but substantially offer an alternative reading of the dominant discourse within postcolonial studies. The article maps the webs of patronages, loyalities, struggles and resistance that marked the coming of the periodical press in the state and how they differently shaped its practices, aspirations and outcomes.


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