Republicanism, Communism, Islam

2021 ◽  
pp. 169-202
Author(s):  
John T. Sidel

This chapter highlights the proclamation of Indonesian independence in August 1945. It details the emergence of a process of revolutionary mobilization, with armed groups surfacing in villages, towns, and cities across Java, Sumatra, and elsewhere to proclaim independence, to assert new forms of authority and, in some areas, to carry out local social revolutions of their own. The chapter then examines the impacts of the surge of revolutionary mobilization unfolding across Java and Sumatra with such strong support from Communist and Islamic networks, and such demonstrations of solidarity from beyond the archipelago. In the face of the external constraints and internal challenges, this chapter outlines how Republik Indonesia moved quickly to establish recognizable institutions of republican, representative government through which to absorb and appropriate for itself the popular energies and aspirations embodied in the slogan kedaulatan rakyat (popular sovereignty). Ultimately, the chapter illustrates the Indonesian Revolusi's immediate outcome and the successful subordination of communism and Islam to the republicanism of Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta's Republik Indonesia.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Urbinati

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.


Author(s):  
V. A. Nadein-Raevskiy

The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he became the head of the Istanbul Youth organization of the Islamist National Salvation Party, in whose ranks and files he received good practice of a political organizer. The crisis in the ranks of the Islamists after repeated bans of the Islamist party led to a split in its ranks and Erdogan and his associates established the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Creating the AKP, Erdogan and his colleagues received a very important support from the well-known Muslim preacher, writer and philosopher Fethullah Gülen living in Pennsylvania (USA). The political support of Gülen who has millions of followers in Turkey and a well-organized educational system of the “Hizmet” Movement operating not only in Turkey but also in 140 countries helped the AKP to win the elections to the Turkish Parliament. Numerous graduates of private schools, colleges and universities of F. Gülen has occupied leading positions in business, police, juridical structures and the armed forces of Turkey and became supporters of Erdogan. Economic reforms of the AKP has substantially strengthened the Turkish economy, increased the income of the population and managed to cope successfully with inflation. On this ground Erdogan’s credibility consequently grew in the face of voters who saw him a successful leader and skilled politician. However, Erdogan gradually returned to the daily life of Turks the Islamic religion, which caused discontent among the supporters of secular development of the country. Repeated attempts to remove the AKP from power were not successful. Using strong support from F. Gülen’s structures in the judiciary, Erdogan managed to organize high-profile lawsuits against the army leadership, politicians, and journalists – supporters of secular development of the country. In a popular referendum, the army was excluded from influence on the political system of the country. However, constant criticism of the policies of Erdogan from the side of F. Gülen led to the crisis of union between the two leaders. Using the failed coup attempt Erdogan accused in its organization Fethullah Gülen and began a wide crackdown against his supporters. 


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERTO ROMANI

ABSTRACTIn the 1850s, the Piedmontese ‘moderate’ liberals created a peculiar political culture, suited to the twofold task of strengthening representative institutions at home and justifying Piedmont's Italian mission. Inspired by both the whig tradition and the French Doctrinaires, the moderates elaborated arguments advocating elite government and countering democracy. Gioberti, Balbo, Carutti, Mamiani, and Boncompagni shared five theses: (1) natural (and/or divine) laws are both the ultimate source of right and wrong in politics and the guarantee of gradual progress; (2) only the citizens who understand the natural order should rule; (3) ‘democracy’, that is popular sovereignty and universal suffrage, is inherently wrong; (4) granted that citizens' attitudes play an important role in politics, certain virtues are required by representative government; and (5) moderatism was imbued with Burkeanism, meaning that it endorsed a realistic, prudent approach to politics, that much was made of Italian and especially Piedmontese history and traditions, and that mere constitutional machinery was to be disdained. This political culture led the moderates to portray everybody who was either on the right or the left of their camp, both in Piedmont and Italy, as a ‘sectarian’ and hence a dangerous revolutionary.


2019 ◽  
pp. 305-318
Author(s):  
Andrew Clapham

Human rights are said to be ill-adapted to times of armed conflict or for dealing with exceptional terrorist threats. Are human rights limited by the applicability of other branches of international law including the laws of war? Are there limits to the work human rights can usefully do in situations of threatened violence when their strict application is said to put lives at risk? This chapter tackles some of the contemporary arguments surrounding the limitations of human rights law in the face of the competing demands of winning the war and killing terrorists. It focuses on killings and detention inside and outside armed conflict. It also asks whether there are limits to the obligations we can impose on armed groups.


2021 ◽  
pp. 166-199
Author(s):  
Rachel Anne Gillett

This chapter focuses on the way cultural production was mobilized to fight fascism and racism in the early 1930s. Yet it simultaneously illustrates how different constituencies in “Black Paris” related to colonialism very differently. The two events that anchor this exploration are the celebration of the tercentenary of France’s colonization of the Antilles and the campaign against Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia. Various coalitions used music and performance to celebrate the tercentenary. Others made music to generate solidarity and financial support for Haile Selassie and Ethiopia in the face of the Italian invasion. In both cases music and performance became a way of gathering people together and raising money for political causes. The strong support for the pan-African campaign on behalf of Ethiopia was present at the same time as the divided responses to the tercentenary. The conjunction illustrates Paul Gilroy’s characterization of Black identities in the Atlantic region as showing both solidarity and difference.


2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 420-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kory M Evans ◽  
Marta Vidal-García ◽  
Victor A Tagliacollo ◽  
Samuel J Taylor ◽  
Dante B Fenolio

Abstract Mosaic evolution refers to the pattern whereby different organismal traits exhibit differential rates of evolution typically due to reduced levels of trait covariation through deep time (i.e., modularity). These differences in rates can be attributed to variation in responses to selective pressures between individual traits. Differential responses to selective pressures also have the potential to facilitate functional specialization, allowing certain traits to track environmental stimuli more closely than others. The teleost skull is a multifunctional structure comprising a complex network of bones and thus an excellent system for which to study mosaic evolution. Here we construct an ultrametric phylogeny for a clade of Neotropical electric fishes (Apteronotidae: Gymnotiformes) and use three-dimensional geometric morphometrics to investigate patterns of mosaic evolution in the skull and jaws. We find strong support for a developmental, three-module hypothesis that consists of the face, braincase, and mandible, and we find that the mandible has evolved four times faster than its neighboring modules. We hypothesize that the functional specialization of the mandible in this group of fishes has allowed it to outpace the face and braincase and evolve in a more decoupled manner. We also hypothesize that this pattern of mosaicism may be widespread across other clades of teleost fishes.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Wahlke

Discontent with the functioning of representative bodies is hardly new. Most of them were born and developed in the face of opposition denying their legitimacy and their feasibility. Most have lived amid persistent unfriendly attitudes, ranging from the total hostility of anti-democrats to the pessimistic assessments of such diverse commentators as Lord Bryce, Walter Lippmann, and Charles de Gaulle. Of particular interest today is the discontent with representative bodies expressed by the friends of democracy, the supporters of representative government, many of whom see in recent history a secular ‘decline of parliament’ and in prospect the imminent demise of representative bodies.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Bannister

Abstract This paper examines the campaign for an elected assembly in Newfoundland, granted in 1832, and challenges established views of the Colony's reform movement. In the early nineteenth century reformers repeatedly appealed for a local legislature, but their efforts met with limited success in the face of opposition from both merchants and government officials. However, fuelled by concerns over taxation, the reform movement transformed in 1828 into a viable coalition for representative government. In London the reformers overcame the government's intransigence through a strategy designed to gain support in Parliament and to undermine the Colonial Office. An analysis of the rhetoric employed in local meetings and petitions, as well as in Parliamentary debates, suggests that an assertive press and an inclusive public discourse played crucial roles in the reform movement's ability to embrace disparate socio-economic interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-293
Author(s):  
I Wayan Ardi Sumarta ◽  
I Wayan Simpen ◽  
I Ketut Darma Laksana ◽  
Ketut Artawa

Purpose of the study: Language is a productive communication tool for teachers to interact with learners. The use of non-verbal Language in speaking becomes strong support when the speech event takes place. This study aims to determine the elements of kinesics and politeness of the Language of the instructor in learning. Methodology: The method used in this study uses descriptive methods. The subjects involved in the research were one lecturer in Indonesian language courses andMahasaraswati university students who were taking Indonesian language courses. The study was conducted in 6 different classes for three meetings. Main Findings: The results showed that non-verbal Language is inherent and contributes to the application of the instructor’s politeness principle in learning. Utilization of kinesics in the politeness of Language perfects a speech that is based on the politeness of Language so that the care of speech harmony can be sustained and to the success in maintaining the face of the speech partner especially emotional closeness between learners and instructors. Application of this study: Learning includes embedded values ​​and imprinted into a role model for learners. The attitude that is no less important and inherent in the instructor’s self is the kinesic attraction that causes the learner’s pleasure and comfort when learning takes place. Novelty/Originality of this study: Research in Indonesian has not yet led to politeness in Language. The utilization of non-verbal Language in speaking becomes strong support when the speech event takes place, this is because Language is the main communication tool for interaction in learning.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Moore ◽  
Stewart Whalen ◽  
Neal Rowe ◽  
Jason Lee ◽  
Michael Ordon ◽  
...  

Introduction: Simulation-based training is used to help trainees learn surgical procedures in a safe environment. The objective of our study was to test the face, content, and construct validity of the transurethral resection of bladder tumor (TURBT) module built on the Simbionix TURP Mentor simulator. Methods: Participants performed five standardized cases on the simulator. Domains of the simulator were evaluated on a five-point Likert scale to establish face and content validity. Construct validity was assessed through the simulator's built-in scoring metrics, as well as video recordings of the simulator screen and an anonymized view of participants' hands and feet, which were evaluated using an objective structured assessment of technical skills (OSATS) tool. Results: Ten experienced operators and 15 novices participated. Face validity was somewhat acceptable (mean realism 3.8/5±1.03 standard deviation [SD]; mean appearance 4.1/5±0.57), as was content validity, represented by simulation of key steps (mean 3.9±0.57). The simulator failed to achieve construct validity. There was no difference in mean simulator scores or OSATS scoring between experienced operators and novices. Novices significantly improved their mean simulator scores (305.9 vs. 332.4, p=0.006) and OSATS scoring (15.8 vs. 18.1, p=0.001), while 87% felt their confidence to perform TURBT improved. Overall, 92% of participants agreed that the simulator should be incorporated into residency training. Conclusions: Our study suggests a role for the TURBT module of the Simbionix TURP Mentor simulator as an introduction to TURBT for urology trainees. Strong support was found from both experienced operators and novices for its formal inclusion in resident education.


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