3. Political Relations

2012 ◽  
pp. 56-98
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115
Author(s):  
Munawir Munawir

Non-Muslim leadership becomes a problematic issue in the context of inter-religious relations in Indonesia, especially for Muslims in conducting religious-social-political relations with non- Muslims. The problematic position of this non-Muslim leadership issue is the state constitution allows but the religious constitution (based on the textuality of the Qur'an) forbids. How does M. Quraish Shihab respond as well as answer the problematic of the people in the case? It is this core issue that will be tested by the answer through this research. Using the descriptive-inferential method and the philosophical-historical approach (philosophical and historical approach), the conclusion that M. Quraish Shihab in interpreting the verses (ban) of non-Muslim leadership (Surat al-Maidah: 51, QS Ali 'Imran: 28, and QS al-Mumtahanah: 1) is contextual, or in other words, the verses are understood to be sociological and not theological. Therefore he allows non-Muslim leadership as long as the non-Muslims are not of a hostile group of Islam, even he does not allow the leadership of a Muslim if a Muslim is actually injurious Islam and harms the interests of Muslims.


Author(s):  
M.L. LEBEDEVA

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.


2021 ◽  
pp. 144078332110011
Author(s):  
Scott J Fitzpatrick

Suicide prevention occurs within a web of social, moral, and political relations that are acknowledged, yet rarely made explicit. In this work, I analyse these interrelations using concepts of moral and political economy to demonstrate how moral norms and values interconnect with political and economic systems to inform the way suicide prevention is structured, legitimated, and enacted. Suicide prevention is replete with ideologies of individualism, risk, and economic rationalism that translate into a specific set of social practices. These bring a number of ethical, procedural, and distributive considerations to the fore. Closer attention to these issues is needed to reflect the moral and political contexts in which decision-making about suicide prevention occurs, and the implications of these decisions for policy, practice, and for those whose lives they impact.


1987 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Good

The nine member-states of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (S.A.D.C.C.) – Zimbabwe, Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, Tanzania, Malawi, Lesotho, Swaziland – are notable for their collective weakness relative to South Africa, and their very wide economic and political heterogeneity.1 Only four, or at most five, have economies whose annual G.D.P. exceeds $2,000 million: two of these, Angola and Mozambique, are under more or less constant attack from South Africa or its surrogate forces, while Tanzania is actually the most remote, physically and economically. At the same time, Malawi, Swaziland, and Lesotho – who are not in the so-called ‘Frontline’, unlike the other six – have rather close political relations with Pretoria, Malawi most substantively since as early as 1966 and Swaziland since 1982.2 Botswana is more independent politically, with a modest G.D.P. and very small population.


Somatechnics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-415
Author(s):  
Olivier Vallerand

Queer space discourse in architecture has often been about reclaiming sexualized spaces or spaces used by LGBT people as being part of architectural history. However, critical practitioners have sought to expand from an understanding based on an essentialist understanding of queer bodies to link instead the experience of built environments to the repression of non-normative/non-compliant bodies. This article discusses projects by J. Mayer H., Andrés Jaque/Office for Political Innovation (OFFPOLINN), and MYCKET that build on a queer understanding of architecture and design to explore relationships between bodies, the materiality of domestic spaces, and communal identities, challenging binary understandings of architectural design spaces and linking them to the configuration of citizenship. J. Mayer H.’s work on data-protection patterns and thermo-sensitive materials uses bodies as material in developing a discourse on privacy stemming in part from queer people's experience of oppressing policies. OFFPOLINN's projects on IKEA and on gay cruising digital environments question the role of architects by underlining the close integration of advertisement, online social networks, and urban and architectural policies in relation to the experience of citizenship and migration. Finally, MYCKET's queer feminist performative architectures attempts to reframe the neutrality of the architectural modernist tradition to celebrate the messiness that comes with thinking of space as designed for a diversity of people. The three practices expand architectural discussions of domesticity beyond an understanding of the house as a container for family life and towards seeing it as a nexus of social and political relations that converge around the body.


2021 ◽  
pp. 47-57
Author(s):  
Maksim Vaskov

The purpose of the article is to consider various historical and political aspects that form the geopolitical context of Russian-Armenian relations. The author tried to take into account the factors that appeared as the consequences of Azerbaijan's aggression and the results of the Second Artsakh War. Using the methods of factorial and system analysis the article studies various combinations of interaction between states, both directly located in the region and being global political players for which political processes in the Transcaucasia are only a part of more global political projects. The existing system of political relations is distinguished by instability and the formation of a new system of political and military risks. All participants in political relations have reasons to seek complications in Russian-Armenian relations. There are also threats for them in the context of the domestic policy of Russia and Armenia. Overcoming these negative phenomena is a condition for the preservation and development of statehood in both Russia and Armenia. The development of a negative scenario will lead to new military conflicts and systemic crises of the entire Greater Caucasus.


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