Chapter 7. The Shackles of the Past: Constitutional Property Tax Limitations and the Fall of the New Deal Order

Purpose This paper aims to study the role of non-corporeal Actant theory in historical research through a case study of the trajectory of the New Deal as one of the foremost institutions in the USA since its inception in the early 1930s. Design/methodology/approach The authors follow the trajectory of the New Deal through a focus on Vice President Henry A. Wallace. Drawing on ANTi-History, the authors view history as a powerful discourse for organizing understandings of the past and non-corporeal Actants as a key influence on making sense of (past) events. Findings The authors conclude that non-corporeal Actants influence the shaping of management and organization studies that serve paradoxically to obfuscate history and its relationship to the past. Research limitations/implications The authors drew on a series of published studies of Henry Wallace and archival material in the Roosevelt Library, but the study would benefit from an in-depth analysis of the Wallace archives. Practical implications The authors reveal the influences of non-corporeal Actants as a method for dealing with the past. The authors do this through the use of ANTi-History as a method of historical analysis. Social implications The past is an important source of understanding of the present and future; this innovative approach increases the potential to understand. Originality/value Decisions are often black boxes. Non-Corporeal Actants are a new tool with which to see the underlying inputs of choice.

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A “Third New Deal”? Liberal Policy and the American State, 1937-1945

Journal of Policy History ◽

10.1017/s089803060000539x ◽

1996 ◽

Vol 8 (4) ◽

pp. 387-409 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

John W. Jeffries

Keyword(s):

New Deal ◽

The Past ◽

Third Stage ◽

The New Deal ◽

New Phase ◽

Liberal Policy ◽

American State

Particularly in the past decade or so, New Deal scholarship has taken a new turn, and the period after the mid-1950s has received substantial scrutiny and significant rethinking. Standard accounts of Franklin D. Roosevelt's presidency have long held that the New Deal was essentially a product of Roosevelt's first term, of the “First New Deal” of 1933 and the “Second New Deal” of 1935. Legislative stalemate, program consolidation and sometimes reduction, and attention to foreign and military affairs then marked the remainder of Roosevelt's presidency. A new and interdisciplinary literature, however, has demonstrated that the later New Deal of FDR's second and third terms was more distinctive and more important than the established view suggests. There has developed an understanding that from 1937 on the New Deal entered an important new phase, a third stage—that there was a “Third New Deal” crucial to understanding the New Deal and the direction of liberal policy and the American state.

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The Committee as an Instrument of Coördination in the New Deal

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/1948139 ◽

1937 ◽

Vol 31 (2) ◽

pp. 301-310

Author(s):

Mary C. Trackett

Keyword(s):

New Deal ◽

Present Note ◽

Horizontal Integration ◽

Concerted Action ◽

Policy Framing ◽

Administrative Management ◽

The Past ◽

The Government ◽

The One ◽

The New Deal

Of all criticisms of the New Deal, the one most frequently emphasized is the lack of coördination. Headlessness in policy-framing and sprawling aimlessness in policy execution are twin charges which the Administration has been forced to admit. The recent report of the President's Committee on Administrative Management is an indication that the Administration intends to leave to posterity a good record on this score; but both practitioners and students of government are well aware that no reorganization can be so complete, so perfect in its functional allotment of duties to departments, that the problem of horizontal integration will not still need to be faced and solved. This reminder is less an apologia than an indication of the frame of reference of the present note; those who have been administering the government for the past four years have never been unaware of the need for concerted action among the executive departments, and many attempts have been made to achieve it. A device often employed for the purpose has been the interdepartmental committee.

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Charles Abrams and the Problem of a “Business Welfare State”

Journal of Policy History ◽

10.1017/s0898030600005935 ◽

1997 ◽

Vol 9 (2) ◽

pp. 211-239

Author(s):

A. Scott Henderson

Keyword(s):

Social Policy ◽

New Deal ◽

Government Agencies ◽

Housing Policies ◽

Economic Relationships ◽

The Past ◽

Scant Attention ◽

State Interventions ◽

Administrative Structures ◽

The New Deal

During the past two decades, sociologists, political scientists, and historians have been increasingly interested in the development of modern states and their administrative structures. By focusing on specific policies and government agencies, these scholars have provided various frameworks for understanding the growth of the American state in the twentieth century, especially during the New Deal and the 1940s. One issue that has received scant attention, though, is housing policies. Public housing, federally insured home mortgages, and tax policies that privileged home owners were significant state interventions that profoundly affected economic relationships and the formation of social policy. Housing policies therefore need to be seen as part of larger economic and political developments.

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The Political Economy of American Populism from Jackson to the New Deal

Studies in American Political Development ◽

10.1017/s0898588x00001619 ◽

1997 ◽

Vol 11 (1) ◽

pp. 109-148 ◽

Cited By ~ 11

Author(s):

Thomas Goebel

Keyword(s):

New Deal ◽

Corporate America ◽

True Nature ◽

The Past ◽

Scholarly Output ◽

Final Agreement ◽

Cooperative Commonwealth ◽

A Minor ◽

The New Deal ◽

Radical Character

Over the past few decades, historians engaged in the study of American Populism have advanced a number of conflicting interpretations of the last great protest movement of the nineteenth century. Among the most influential representations of Populism have been the following: Populists as reactionary and vaguely anti-Semitic predecessors of American fascism, as agrarian romantics nostalgically clinging to the Jeffersonian ideal of the independent yeoman, as modern reformers embracing an American version of social democracy, as agrarian republicans aiming to build a cooperative commonwealth on the basis of mutuality, and as true radicals offering the final challenge to the rise of corporate capitalism in America. Although no final agreement on the true nature of Populism has been achieved, despite the impressive scholarly output that has made the study of Populism into a minor cottage industry among historians, there has been a powerful trend toward a renewed appreciation of the radical character of Populist protest. In challenging the dominance of the two major parties and in advocating a comprehensive program of economic and social reform, American Populists are widely regarded as reflecting a ground swell of opposition to corporate America. With the demise of Populism after the disastrous election of 1896, the hopes for building a radically different America faded.

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SHO clinical exposure following the introduction of an EWTD-compliant shift system

Bulletin of The Royal College of Surgeons of England ◽

10.1308/147363506x116052 ◽

2006 ◽

Vol 88 (7) ◽

pp. 238-239

Author(s):

HK Khan ◽

H Hathurusinghe ◽

F Wilson ◽

MI Trotter ◽

VV Raut

Keyword(s):

New Deal ◽

Working Time ◽

European Working Time Directive ◽

Clinical Exposure ◽

The Past ◽

European Working ◽

Hours Of Work ◽

The Hours ◽

Working Time Directive ◽

The New Deal

Over the past 12 years the hours of work for doctors' training have been markedly reduced. In 1991 the New Deal and a maximum of 72 hours per working week was first introduced. 1 In 1998 the European Working Time Directive (EWTD) came into effect but did not initially apply to doctors in training. By August 2004 all doctors in training came under the remit of the EWTD, which stipulated a maximum of 58 hours per working week.

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The Emergence of a New Constitutional Order in the United States

The Tocqueville Review/La revue Tocqueville ◽

10.3138/ttr.23.1.9 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 23 (1) ◽

pp. 9-34

Author(s):

Mark Tushnet

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

New Deal ◽

The United States ◽

Great Society ◽

Constitutional Order ◽

The Past ◽

Constitutional System ◽

The One ◽

The New Deal ◽

The U.S

Bruce Ackerman has argued that the U.S. constitutional system has undergone several major transformations.2 His recent witings continue to reject the proposition that the United States has recently experienced another constitutional transformation. I believe that he is wrong, and that the past decade has seen the consolidation of a new constitutional order, different from the one that prevailed from 1937 to the 1980s, which I call the New Deal-Great Society constitutional order.

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Verán ustedes las chozas más humildes. El discurso de pobreza en la diplomacia pública cardenista dirigida a Estados Unidos

Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos ◽

10.1525/msem.2019.35.2.255 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 35 (2) ◽

pp. 255-281

Author(s):

Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

New Deal ◽

Public Diplomacy ◽

The United States ◽

The Public ◽

The Poor ◽

The Face ◽

The Government ◽

Lazaro Cardenas ◽

The New Deal

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.

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Confluencia geopolítica entre Cárdenas y Roosevelt:

Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos ◽

10.1525/msem.2019.35.2.231 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 35 (2) ◽

pp. 231-254

Author(s):

Andreu Espasa

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

New Deal ◽

Spanish Civil War ◽

The United States ◽

Political Crisis ◽

World War ◽

Military Alliance ◽

Bilateral Relations ◽

The Relationship ◽

The New Deal

De forma un tanto paradójica, a finales de los años treinta, las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos sufrieron uno de los momentos de máxima tensión, para pasar, a continuación, a experimentar una notable mejoría, alcanzando el cénit en la alianza política y militar sellada durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El episodio catalizador de la tensión y posterior reconciliación fue, sin duda, el conflicto diplomático planteado tras la nacionalización petrolera de 1938. De entre los factores que propiciaron la solución pacífica y negociada al conflicto petrolero, el presente artículo se centra en analizar dos fenómenos del momento. En primer lugar, siguiendo un orden de relevancia, se examina el papel que tuvo la Guerra Civil Española. Aunque las posturas de ambos gobiernos ante el conflicto español fueron sustancialmente distintas, las interpretaciones y las lecciones sobre sus posibles consecuencias permitieron un mayor entendimiento entre los dos países vecinos. En segundo lugar, también se analizarán las afinidades ideológicas entre el New Deal y el cardenismo en el contexto de la crisis mundial económica y política de los años treinta, con el fin de entender su papel lubricante en las relaciones bilaterales de la época. Somewhat paradoxically, at the end of the 1930s, the relationship between Mexico and the United States experienced one of its tensest moments, after which it dramatically improved, reaching its zenith in the political and military alliance cemented during World War II. The catalyst for this tension and subsequent reconciliation was, without doubt, the diplomatic conflict that arose after the oil nationalization of 1938. Of the various factors that led to a peaceful negotiated solution to the oil conflict, this article focuses on analyzing two phenomena. Firstly—in order of importance—this article examines the role that the Spanish Civil War played. Although the positions of both governments in relation to the Spanish war were significantly different, the interpretations and lessons concerning potential consequences enabled a greater understanding between the two neighboring countries. Secondly, this article also analyzes the ideological affinities between the New Deal and Cardenismo in the context of the global economic and political crisis of the thirties, seeking to understand their role in facilitating bilateral relations during that period.

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