Peculiarities of Russian expansion towards Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples (last quarter of the 15th – middle of the 19th century): historical and legal paradigm

Author(s):  
O. Ivanov

The article considers the peculiarities of socio-political and state-legal processes associated with the course of Russian expansion against the Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples during the last quarter of the XV – mid-XIX centuries. The author emphasizes that due to the meaning of Russia’s existence as a state, traditionally in its political and legal doctrine, war has always been interpreted as a continuation of foreign policy in peacetime, which determined the features of Russia’s foreign policy. It is noted that the beginning of Russia’s direct seizure of Turkic and Finno-Ugric possessions is associated with the conquest of such great powers as the Kazan, Astrakhan and Siberian Khanates. In general, the peculiarities of Russian expansion in relation to the Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples include the following: ideological conditionality; paying considerable attention to the preparatory phase of expansion; combination of military and hybrid means of influencing the conquered peoples; application of a wide range of methods of national assimilation after the conquest of territories; development and implementation of a wide range of measures of influence in case of possible cases of disobedience among the local population; support of expansion at all stages by means of information and psychological struggle. It is emphasized that the ideology of Russian expansionism has been supplemented by the following basic provisions: in the process of resolving international conflicts, force must always prevail, not justice; the victors of military conflicts are listened to and agreed with, they are not judged or complained about, even when they commit atrocities, they are not reproached for any sins; weak, backward and dependent states should be subjugated and left no chance for revival; in the event that the state, which was previously in the rank of winner, has weakened and can no longer defend its privileged position, it must be attacked and killed as soon as possible; acceptance of persistent, growing aggression in relations with weakened states as the basis of military-political tactics; the use of a wide arsenal of means of assimilation of the population both on the eve of expansion and in all its subsequent stages, the development of theories about the “backwardness” of peoples.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-75
Author(s):  
Sharafutdin A. Magaramov

A number of scientific publications with the involvement of a wide range of sources and materials have been devoted to the study of ethno-demographic processes and religious composition of Derbent. However, this issue cannot be considered fully understood. The problem of the ethnic and religious composition of the city of Derbent in the medieval era and modern times has not been studied in a wider period with the involvement of archive material. A more complete picture of the ethno-confessional composition of Derbent can be reconstructed basing on data of a different nature of sources, including narrative sources and archival documents. The present paper aims to recreate the most complete and objective picture of the formation of the ethno-confessional composition of Derbent in the context of the events of foreign-policy of the region that took place from the 6th and up to the 19th century. The author proposes an upper chronological bound, based on the study of ethnographers M.-R.A. Ibragimov and M.M. Magomedkhanov on the ethno-confessional composition of Derbent in the end of the 19th – early 21st century, which is based on the population census. The article presents a reasoned author’s opinion regarding the ethnic composition of Derbent’s population in the Sasanian, Arabic, Seljuk and pre-Mongol periods. The study conducted shows that the ethno-religious processes of the medieval Derbent were significantly influenced by the events of the foreign political nature in the region: in different time periods, depending on the foreign policy situation, the specific gravity of one or another ethnic component changed, representatives of one or another confession dominated in the city. With the beginning of the Seljuk era, an active process of Turkification of Derbent’s population started, which continued over following periods. As a result, according to the household lists of 1886, ¾ of the city’s population were Turks (modern Azerbaijanis), the rest ¼ part was composed of the Jews, Armenians and Russians.


2019 ◽  
pp. 160-193
Author(s):  
A.V. Morokhin

На основе широкого круга источников (прежде всего личного происхождения) в статье анализируется роль Николая I в формировании культа Павла I в императорской семье во второй половине XIX века. В работе затрагиваются личные воспоминания Николая I об отце, его немногочисленные публичные суждения о Павле I, а также соответствующие свидетельства современников. В статье особое внимание уделяется роли, которую императрица Мария Федоровна сыграла в формировании культа своего мужа во время правления Александра I (18011825) и ее влиянию на Николая I, приобретшего идеальную фигуру отца. В статье также освещается отношение Николая I к событиям марта 1801 года, связанным с убийством Павла I, описываются цензурные меры, которые были введены во время его правления, чтобы не разглашать правду о смерти императора. Также показано отношение Николая I к нескольким членам окружения императора Павла I, который прожил свою жизнь в годы правления его сына (И. Е. фаворитка Павла Нелидова, Н. О. Kutlubitsky, П. Х. Obolyaninov). В статье также рассматривается роль, которую сыграл Николай I в создании памятника своему отцу в Гатчине. Обращается внимание на некоторые моменты, связанные с государственной деятельностью монарха и манерой поведения, которую Николай I явно заимствовал у Павла I. делается вывод, что идеи правительства Павла оказали глубокое влияние на действия Николая I во внутренней и внешней политике. Изображен процесс сохранения культа Павла I в императорской семье во второй половине 19 начале 20 веков.In the basis of a wide range of sources (first of all of a personal origin), the article analyzes the role Nicolas I played in the formation of the cult of Paul I in the imperial family in the second half of the 19th century. The work touches upon the personal memories of Nicolas I about his father, his few public judgments of Paul I, and relevant testimonies of contemporaries. The article places special focus on the role that Empress Maria Feodorovna played in the formation of the cult of her husband during the rule of Alexander I (1801 1825) and her influence on Nicolas I acquiring a perfect father figure. The article also highlights the attitude of Nicolas I to the events of March 1801, related to the murder of Paul I, describes the censorship measures that were introduced during his rule in order not to disclose the truth about the Emperors death. Also shown is the attitude of Nicolas I to several members of the entourage of Paul I who lived out their lives in the years of his sons rule (E.I. Nelidova, N.O. Kutlubitsky, P.Kh. Obolyaninov). The article also reviews the role played by Nicolas I in the creation of the monument to his father in Gatchina. Attention is drawn to some things related to the monarchs state activity and the mode of behavior that Nicolas I obviously borrowed from Paul I. The conclusion is made that Pauls government ideas had a profound impact on Nicolas I domestic and foreign policy actions. Depicted is the process preservation of the cult of Paul I in the Imperial Family in the second half of the 19th early 20th centuries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 193-198
Author(s):  
Lyudmila S. Timofeeva ◽  
Albina R. Akhmetova ◽  
Liliya R. Galimzyanova ◽  
Roman R. Nizaev ◽  
Svetlana E. Nikitina

Abstract The article studies the existence experience of historical cities as centers of tourism development as in the case of Elabuga. The city of Elabuga is among the historical cities of Russia. The major role in the development of the city as a tourist center is played by the Elabuga State Historical-Architectural and Art Museum-Reserve. The object of the research in the article is Elabuga as a medium-size historical city. The subject of the research is the activity of the museum-reserve which contributes to the preservation and development of the historical look of Elabuga and increases its attractiveness to tourists. The tourism attractiveness of Elabuga is obtained primarily through the presence of the perfectly preserved historical center of the city with the blocks of integral buildings of the 19th century. The Elabuga State Historical-Architectural and Art Museum-Reserve, which emerged in 1989, is currently an object of historical and cultural heritage of federal importance. Museum-reserves with their significant territories and rich historical, cultural and natural heritage have unique resources for the implementation of large partnership projects. Such projects are not only aimed at attracting a wide range of tourists, but also stimulate interest in the reserve from the business elite, municipal and regional authorities. The most famous example is the Spasskaya Fair which revived in 2008 in Elabuga. It was held in the city since the second half of the 19th century, and was widely known throughout Russia. The process of the revival and successful development of the fair can be viewed as the creation of a special tourist event contributing to the formation of new and currently important tourism products.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Martin Dahl

When the political camp centred on the Law and Justice party (PiS) came to power in 2015, it led to a change in priorities in Polish foreign policy. The Three Seas Initiative (TSI), understood as closer cooperation between eastern states of the European Union in the area between the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black seas, has become a new instrument of foreign policy. The initiative demonstrates the growing importance of Central and Eastern Europe in the global game of great powers. The region has become a subject of rivalry, not only between the United States and Russia but also China. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to try to describe the importance of the region to Germany and how Germany’s stance on the TSI has evolved. The article consists of three parts, an introduction to the issues, the genesis of the TSI, and the definition of goals set by the states participating in this initiative, as well as analysis of the German stance towards the initiative since its development in 2015. The theories of geopolitics and neorealism are used as the theoretical basis for the analysis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Bäck ◽  
Jan Teorell ◽  
Alexander Von Hagen-Jamar ◽  
Alejandro Quiroz Flores

Abstract Why do some foreign ministers stay longer in office than others? Are they punished when the country loses a war? Several scholars have focused on the tenure of leaders as an important predictor of foreign policy outcomes, such as war onset, creating an interest in leadership survival. We here shift the focus to the survival of other important politicians in cabinet—foreign ministers, hypothesizing that their tenure depends on their performance in office. For example, we expect that foreign ministers stay longer in office when the country experiences an armed conflict resulting in a win or in a compromise agreement. We evaluate and find support for several of our hypotheses using an original historical dataset, which comprises all foreign ministers of the world's thirteen great powers from the early modern period to the present, covering about 1,100 foreign minister-terms of office.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Alexandre Tchoudinov

The article is devoted to the problem of cross-cultural interaction between the French and the Arabs during the Egyptian expedition of Napoleon Bonaparte 1798—1801. Using a comparative analysis of a wide range of French sources and Arab chronicles, the author comes to the conclusion that Bonaparte's attempt at an inter-civilizational dialogue with the Muslim population of Egypt ended in complete failure. Based on the stereotypical ideas about the Orient, common in the French literature of the Enlightenment, Napoleon tried to play in Egypt the same role that, according to the French philosophers, the Prophet Muhammad allegedly played in his time, namely, to take advantage of the “credulity” and “superstition” of the local population to subordinate it to his power. However, the Egyptians were very skeptical concerning Bonaparte's claims about the French army's commitment to Islam and his attempts to present himself as the Mahdi, the prophet of the last times. The daily practices of the occupiers, which openly contradicted the culture of Islam, completely alienated the Muslims from the French, which resulted not only in their mutual misunderstanding, but also in real hatred for each other.


Author(s):  
Maksim Anisimov

Heinrich Gross was a diplomat of the Empress of Russia Elizabeth Petrovna, a foreigner on the Russian service who held some of the most important diplomatic posts of her reign. As the head of Russian diplomatic missions in European countries, he was an immediate participant in the rupture of both Franco-Russian and Russo-Prussian diplomatic relations and witnessed the beginning of the Seven Years' War, while in the capital of Saxony, besieged by Prussian troops. After that H. Gross was one of the members of the collective leadership of the Russian Collegium of Foreign Affairs. So far there is only one biographic essay about him written in the 19th century. The aims of this article are threefold. Using both published foreign affairs-related documentation and diplomatic documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, it attempts to systematize the materials of the biography of this important participant in international events. It also seeks to assess his professional qualities and get valuable insight into his role both in the major events of European politics and in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the mid-18th century. Moreover, the account of the diplomatic career of H. Gross presented in this essay aims to generate genuine interest among researchers in the personality and professional activities of one of the most brilliant Russian diplomats of the Enlightenment Era.


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