guilt induction
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Bryony Harrison

<p>Guilt induction is a behaviour involving exaggeration of hurt feelings to elicit guilt in an intimate partner, and thus elicit a reassuring and loving response. This thesis investigates whether greater depressive symptoms are linked with use of low level, everyday guilt induction. We also examine the possibility that guilt induction elicits commitment-driven maintenance behaviour from partners, including accommodation (e.g., smiling, providing encouragement) but also increased tolerance for intimate partner violence. We tested a mediation model in which higher depressive symptoms predicted greater of guilt induction, which in turn predicted greater partner accommodation (Study 1) and tolerance of intimate partner violence (Study 2). We assessed observer-coded guilt induction behaviours in a dyadic study (Study 1; 152 couples) and experiences of partner guilt induction in self-report questionnaires (Study 2; 217 individuals). Depressive symptoms predicted greater use of guilt induction (Study 1), and perceptions of partner’s depressive symptoms predicted more experiences of partner guilt induction (Study 2), suggesting that individuals higher in depressive symptoms experience insecurities consistent with motivations to guilt induce. Guilt induction predicted greater use of immediate partner accommodation (Study 1), and experiences of guilt induction predicted greater tolerance for one of four forms of intimate partner violence (Study 2). This suggests that guilt induction elicits accommodation of negative behaviours, including tolerance of certain types of intimate partner violence. An additional analysis highlighted a change in partner behaviour from increased accommodation when guilt induction initially occurred, to relatively decreased accommodation at the following time point, 30 seconds later (Study 1). This research supports and expands on prior theory suggesting people higher in depressive symptomology tend to use strategies to gain reassurance and care that can ultimately backfire.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Bryony Harrison

<p>Guilt induction is a behaviour involving exaggeration of hurt feelings to elicit guilt in an intimate partner, and thus elicit a reassuring and loving response. This thesis investigates whether greater depressive symptoms are linked with use of low level, everyday guilt induction. We also examine the possibility that guilt induction elicits commitment-driven maintenance behaviour from partners, including accommodation (e.g., smiling, providing encouragement) but also increased tolerance for intimate partner violence. We tested a mediation model in which higher depressive symptoms predicted greater of guilt induction, which in turn predicted greater partner accommodation (Study 1) and tolerance of intimate partner violence (Study 2). We assessed observer-coded guilt induction behaviours in a dyadic study (Study 1; 152 couples) and experiences of partner guilt induction in self-report questionnaires (Study 2; 217 individuals). Depressive symptoms predicted greater use of guilt induction (Study 1), and perceptions of partner’s depressive symptoms predicted more experiences of partner guilt induction (Study 2), suggesting that individuals higher in depressive symptoms experience insecurities consistent with motivations to guilt induce. Guilt induction predicted greater use of immediate partner accommodation (Study 1), and experiences of guilt induction predicted greater tolerance for one of four forms of intimate partner violence (Study 2). This suggests that guilt induction elicits accommodation of negative behaviours, including tolerance of certain types of intimate partner violence. An additional analysis highlighted a change in partner behaviour from increased accommodation when guilt induction initially occurred, to relatively decreased accommodation at the following time point, 30 seconds later (Study 1). This research supports and expands on prior theory suggesting people higher in depressive symptomology tend to use strategies to gain reassurance and care that can ultimately backfire.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (04) ◽  
pp. 1467-1475
Author(s):  
Jing Yu ◽  
Charissa S. L. Cheah ◽  
Craig H. Hart ◽  
Chongming Yang ◽  
Joseph A. Olsen

AbstractBullying has been understudied among preschool children, especially those from Chinese American families. Previous research has also neglected the dimensional effects of psychological control on child bullying development. This study examined two psychological control dimensions, love withdrawal and guilt induction, and their effects on children's bullying aggressive behavior using a longitudinal design. Participants were first-generation Chinese American mothers (N = 133; mean age [Mage] = 37.82) and their preschool children (Mage = 4.48). Chinese immigrant mothers reported their psychologically controlling parenting and teachers rated children's bullying aggressive behaviors in the school setting. Confirmatory factor analyses were conducted to establish the psychometric properties and cross-wave measurement equivalence of the study constructs. Cross-lagged structural equation modeling analysis indicated that maternal love withdrawal prospectively predicted more bullying aggressive behavior, whereas guilt induction predicted less bullying aggressive behavior in children 6 months later. These results held after controlling for the initial level of children's problem behaviors and demographic variables (child age, gender, and maternal education). For child effects, child bullying aggressive behavior predicted more maternal guilt induction over time but not love withdrawal. Our findings highlight the importance of construct specificity and cultural context in understanding associations between parenting and child development.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jing Yu ◽  
Charissa S. L. Cheah ◽  
Craig H. Hart ◽  
Shuyan Sun ◽  
Joseph A. Olsen

Despite the theoretical conceptualization of parental psychological control as a multidimensional construct, the majority of previous studies have examined psychological control as a unidimensional scale. Moreover, the conceptualization of shaming and its associations with love withdrawal and guilt induction are unclear. The current study aimed to fill these gaps by evaluating the latent factor structure underlying 18 items from Olsen et al. (2002) that were conceptually relevant to love withdrawal, guilt induction, and shaming practices in a sample of 169 mothers of Chinese-American preschoolers. A multidimensional three-factor model and bi-factor model were specified based on our formulated operational definitions for the three dimensions of psychological control. Both models were found to be superior to the unidimensional model. In addition, results from the bi-factor model and an additional second-order factor model indicated that psychological control is essentially empirically isomorphic with guilt induction. Although love withdrawal and shaming factors were also fairly strong indicators of psychological control, each exhibited important additional unique variability and mutual distinctiveness. Implications for the conceptualization of love withdrawal, guilt induction, and shaming as well as directions for future studies are discussed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 905-920 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duane Rudy ◽  
Gustavo Carlo ◽  
Michael Canute Lambert ◽  
Tsasha Awong

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura G. McKee ◽  
Justin Parent ◽  
Rex Forehand ◽  
Aaron Rakow ◽  
Kelly H. Watson ◽  
...  

AbstractThis study utilized structural equation modeling to examine the associations among parental guilt induction (a form of psychological control), youth cognitive style, and youth internalizing symptoms, with parents and youth participating in a randomized controlled trial of a family-based group cognitive–behavioral preventive intervention targeting families with a history of caregiver depression. The authors present separate models utilizing parent report and youth report of internalizing symptoms. Findings suggest that families in the active condition (family-based group cognitive–behavioral group) relative to the comparison condition showed a significant decline in parent use of guilt induction at the conclusion of the intervention (6 months postbaseline). Furthermore, reductions in parental guilt induction at 6 months were associated with significantly lower levels of youth negative cognitive style at 12 months. Finally, reductions in parental use of guilt induction were associated with lower youth internalizing symptoms 1 year following the conclusion of the intervention (18 months postbaseline).


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah C. Berman ◽  
Michael G. Wheaton ◽  
Jonathan S. Abramowitz

Cognitive biases, such as thought–action fusion (TAF), play a crucial role in the cognitive-behavioral model of obsessional symptoms and have been shown to prospectively increase the risk of developing such symptoms. Much less research, however, has examined factors that might lead to the development of the cognitive biases themselves. This study aimed to replicate and extend existing work on correlates of moral (thinking about something is the moral equivalent of the corresponding action) and likelihood (thinking about a particular event increases the probability that this event will occur) TAF. A large sample of unscreened participants (N = 407) completed a measure of TAF, as well as measures of religiosity, motivation for religion, parental psychological control, and parental guilt induction. Results indicated that religion-related variables predicted the moral TAF, whereas parenting strategies were associated with likelihood TAF. Intrinsic motivation for religion also mediated the relationship between religiosity and moral TAF. Findings are discussed in terms of developmental psychopathology and limitations are addressed.


2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 833-845 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika Baker ◽  
Eugenia Baibazarova ◽  
Georgia Ktistaki ◽  
Katherine H. Shelton ◽  
Stephanie H. M. van Goozen

AbstractExtremes in fearful temperament have long been associated with later psychopathology and risk pathways. Whereas fearful children are inhibited and anxious and avoid novel events, fearless individuals are disinhibited and more likely to engage in aggressive behavior. However, very few studies have examined fear in infants from a multimethod and prospective longitudinal perspective. This study had the following objectives: to examine behavioral, maternal reported, and physiological indices of fearful temperament in infancy, together with their relations and stability over time; and to establish whether early indices of fear predict fear later in toddlerhood. We also examined the association between behavioral and physiological measures of fear and guilt and whether fear in infancy predicts guilt in toddlers. Finally, we investigated infant risk factors for later psychopathology. We recorded skin conductance level (SCL) and heart rate (HR) and observed children's responses during a Laboratory Temperament Assessment Battery fear paradigm across the first 3 years of life and during a guilt induction procedure at age 3 (N = 70). The results indicate that different measures of infant fear were associated across time. Observed fearlessness in infancy predicted observed fearlessness and low levels of SCL arousal to fear and guilt in toddlers. Low levels of HR and SCL to fear in infancy predicted low levels of physiological arousal to the same situation and to guilt 2 years later. Fear and guilt were significantly associated across measures. Finally, toddlers with clinically significant internalizing problems at age 3 were already notably more fearful in Year 1 as reflected by their significantly higher HR levels. The results indicated that assessments of children in infancy are predictive of how these children react 2 years later and therefore lend support to the idea that the emotional thermostat is set in the first 3 years of life. They also showed, for the first time, that infant fear is a predictor of guilt, which is an emotion that develops later. The implications of these findings for our understanding of developmental psychopathology are discussed.


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