The Matter of Early Modern Female Melancholy

<p>The Renaissance is often touted as the age of melancholy. For fictional personages like Hamlet as well as for writers like Robert Burton, melancholy served both as a burden and a blessing, facilitating intellectual activity at the expense of psychological and bodily comfort. Precisely because of its Aristotelean associations with brilliance, melancholy was off-limits to early modern women, who were afforded a pathology different not merely in degree but in kind to that of the male melancholic. Female melancholy was understood as an entirely corporeal illness, lacking any semblance of the creative or intellectual fecundity which its male sufferers enjoyed. Literary critics and cultural historians have long taken the authors of early modern medical treatises at their word, and because of this, the extant scholarship on melancholy projects an overwhelmingly masculinist history of the emotion. Those scholars who have addressed the subterraneous literature of women’s emotion in the Renaissance, moreover, have commonly understood female-voiced articulations of negative affect through the lens of “grief” or “sorrow”. A poetics of female melancholy in the English Renaissance is thus still awaiting formulation, and it is this critical absence that I move to redress. Putting male-authored, canonical works of literature in dialogue with the poetry of three seventeenth-century women writers, this thesis pursues the topic of a literary melancholy that is specifically female, or female-voiced. Chapter One explores the shape of female melancholic discourse in two Shakespearean texts – Hamlet and The Two Noble Kinsmen – and in the poetry of devotional poet An Collins. Chapter Two considers the telos of self-marmorisation (the female melancholic’s turn to stone) first in Webster’s Duchess of Malfi, Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale, and Milton’s Comus, and then in the verse of Hester Pulter. Finally, Chapter Three discusses the presence of postlapsarian melancholy in the elegies of Lucy Hutchinson. All three chapters argue for the significance, the matter, of artistic representations of women’s affect in a period which has traditionally seen male expressions of melancholy raised above female expressions of the same.</p>

The Matter of Early Modern Female Melancholy

<p>The Renaissance is often touted as the age of melancholy. For fictional personages like Hamlet as well as for writers like Robert Burton, melancholy served both as a burden and a blessing, facilitating intellectual activity at the expense of psychological and bodily comfort. Precisely because of its Aristotelean associations with brilliance, melancholy was off-limits to early modern women, who were afforded a pathology different not merely in degree but in kind to that of the male melancholic. Female melancholy was understood as an entirely corporeal illness, lacking any semblance of the creative or intellectual fecundity which its male sufferers enjoyed. Literary critics and cultural historians have long taken the authors of early modern medical treatises at their word, and because of this, the extant scholarship on melancholy projects an overwhelmingly masculinist history of the emotion. Those scholars who have addressed the subterraneous literature of women’s emotion in the Renaissance, moreover, have commonly understood female-voiced articulations of negative affect through the lens of “grief” or “sorrow”. A poetics of female melancholy in the English Renaissance is thus still awaiting formulation, and it is this critical absence that I move to redress. Putting male-authored, canonical works of literature in dialogue with the poetry of three seventeenth-century women writers, this thesis pursues the topic of a literary melancholy that is specifically female, or female-voiced. Chapter One explores the shape of female melancholic discourse in two Shakespearean texts – Hamlet and The Two Noble Kinsmen – and in the poetry of devotional poet An Collins. Chapter Two considers the telos of self-marmorisation (the female melancholic’s turn to stone) first in Webster’s Duchess of Malfi, Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale, and Milton’s Comus, and then in the verse of Hester Pulter. Finally, Chapter Three discusses the presence of postlapsarian melancholy in the elegies of Lucy Hutchinson. All three chapters argue for the significance, the matter, of artistic representations of women’s affect in a period which has traditionally seen male expressions of melancholy raised above female expressions of the same.</p>

La fi d'una llegenda: Arnau de Vilanova davant la màgia i l'astrologia

This article revises Arnau’s thoughts and practice regard-ing magic and astrology, two core aspects in the creation of an enduring legendary image. If apocryphal works are disregarded, the attitudes he sustains in his writing are in line with those of contemporary intellectuals: a rejec-tion of necromancy coupled with the acceptance of oc-cult astral properties as the foundation of natural magic. These properties are put to use in his medical treatises, where astrology is also the basis for some remedies. However, none of the treatises on medical astrology that have been transmitted under his name are his.

Buddhism and Healing in China

The history of Buddhism in China is deeply connected with healing. Some of the scriptures that were translated into Chinese discuss Indic conceptions of the body as an amalgamation of elements, and causes of illness in the tridoṣa, that is pathogenic body fluids and internal winds. Others discuss materia medica, and monastic rules on healing and hygiene in the monastery. Yet others set forth the ritual worship of the Medicine Buddha (Skt. Bhaiṣajyaguru; Ch. Yaoshi fo 藥師佛), the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin pusa 觀音菩薩), and other deities that promise healing. Apart from the translated scriptures, there is a huge body of indigenous works that synthesized the wealth of information on Indic healing which arrived in China between the 2nd and 10th centuries ce. Foremost among those are Yijing’s義淨 (635–713) account of Indian monastic practices, Daoxuan’s道宣 (596–667) vinaya commentary, and Daoshi’s道世 (?–683) encyclopedia chapter on illness. Chinese compositions, such as Zhiyi’s 智顗 (538–597) treatises on meditation, and Huizhao’s 慧皎 (497–554) hagiographies bear witness to the hybridity to which the reception of Indic ideas in China gave rise. With the widening reach of Buddhism into every layer of Chinese society during the Sui and Tang dynasties, eminent Chinese physicians, such as Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (452–536), Chao Yuanfang 巢元方 (550–630), Wang Tao 王焘(670–755), and Sun Simiao 孫思邈 (581–682) also began to incorporate Buddhist ideas into their medical treatises. Chinese Buddhist monasteries introduced hospital services to China, and certain lineages of monks continued to provide medical care to the laity in late imperial China. Their healing was based on Chinese medical theories, however, and there is no evidence that they persisted in applying Indic medical ideas.

A ‘prodigious latitude’ of words: vocabularies of illness in 18th-century medical treatises and women’s writing

In its examination of a selection of 18th-century medical treatises and women’s writing, this essay considers a range of context-specific and historically specific medical vocabularies and tries to illuminate the various linguistic registers of physicians’ and women’s understandings and experiences of physio-emotional illness. In a preprofessionalised world in which medical and literary cultures overlapped significantly and medical knowledge was not yet restricted to a group of formally trained male elites, vocabularies of illness abounded, oftentimes moving freely between the permeable disciplinary boundaries of the age. Physician writers, in their efforts to define and label the cluster of related conditions commonly known as spleen, vapours, melancholy, or hypochondriacal and hysterical affliction, often operated on a principle of humility, embracing uncertainty, admitting fault and assuming a willingness to question their own assumptions. They recognised that elusive processes were at the heart of these conditions, which came with a vast amalgam of physical and psychological symptoms, as well as a long list of possible designations. For their part, Anne Finch, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, Hester Lynch Piozzi, Elizabeth Carter, Mary Leapor, Elizabeth Tollet, Anna Seward and Susanna Blamire interpreted with a keen eye the medical information available to them, deployed the plethora of words at their disposal and created their own vocabularies of illness. As they formulated a productively unstable, fluctuating lexicon to conceptualise and define spleen and its analogous conditions, these women writers came up with new words and inventive metonyms, and drew at once on the language of medicine, social and domestic inequality, and the natural world to capture experiences of suffering.

The cistern-system of early modern Venice: technology, politics and culture in a hydraulic society

At a time when European cities depended on three sources of fresh water for their domestic and industrial needs—rivers, spring-fed aqueducts and groundwater wells—early modern Venice added a fourth possibility: a dense network of cisterns for capturing, filtering and storing rainwater. Venice was not unique in relying on rainwater cisterns; but nowhere in Italy (indeed in Europe) was the approach so systematic and widespread, the city concerned so populous, the technology so sophisticated and the management so carefully regulated as in the lagoon city. To explore Venice’s cistern-system, a range of primary sources (medical treatises, travellers’ accounts, archival records) and the contributions of architectural, medical and social historians, and archaeologists are analysed. The article examines the system’s functioning and management, including the role of the city’s acquaroli or watermen; the maintenance of freshwater quality throughout the city, in the context of broader sanitation measures; and the place of the “wells” and fresh water in daily life in Venice. As a means of teasing out the myriad links between nature, technology and society in early modern Italy, the article concludes with a brief comparison of the politics of water supply management in the very different urban realities of (republican) Venice, (viceregal) Naples and (papal) Rome.

Tibetan Medical Paradigms for the SARS-CoV-2 Pandemic

As prophesized in early Tibetan medical works, the emergence of a pathogen such as SARS-CoV-2 that could inflict such a virulent infectious disease such as COVID-19 provided conditions for an expected yet alarming new phenomenon to threaten the health of inhabitants on the Tibetan Plateau. As SARS-CoV-2 spread into a global pandemic, Tibetan physicians worldwide engaged in symposiums, conferences, and clinical exchanges to situate the virus and its disease within Tibetan medical nosology. They sought to reconcile prophesies of global impact and develop critical treatment protocols for their communities. This article presents this particular perspective on COVID-19 as discussed among Tibetan medical colleagues in early April 2020, with follow-up discussions a year later. It introduces the disease’s nosology as a specific type of virulent infection (gnyan rims), and describes the etiology, diagnosis, and treatment as explicated in the Tibetan classic Four Medical Treatises and related commentaries. As Tibetan physicians gain attention for their treatments of mild- and medium-severity COVID-19 cases, understanding the Tibetan medical paradigm for the condition highlights distinctions of therapeutic and investigative relevance compared to biomedical and other traditional Asian medical approaches.

Hakim Mohammad Azam Khan Chishti (1814-1902) and His Book about "Crisis in Diseases"

The term “crisis” in medical context is an important turning point or stage which occurs in some diseases and if not managed correctly, can become life threatening. Despite the use of the term in modern medicine, it was a much wider and sophisticated traditional medical concept. The first usage has been seen in the Greek writings of Hippocrates. In the Islamic Golden Age, this concept entered Persian Medicine by translation of Greek medical treatises. Great Persian Medicine scholars have paid particular attention to the concept and have written exclusive chapters about it. One of such scholars, Hakim Mohammad Azam Khan Chishti (1814-1902), an Indo-Persian physician and medical writer, wrote several comprehensive encyclopedic books - in Persian language - about various aspects of PM including crises. In this historical review we discuss his biography and his books, especially his important book Rokn-e-Azam, which is a comprehensive work on the concept of crisis in which he collected and discussed opinions of great medical scholars from ancient times to the 19th century. Despite his fidelity, unfortunately he rarely criticized the previous literature and thus did not add an additional value to the subject else than his comprehensive review. In the recent worldwide accepted roadmap towards Integrative Medicine, studying such inclusive traditional manuscripts may give better insight and understanding of the behavior of acute and chronic diseases and their appearance, exacerbations and remissions.

The Triumph of Theriac

A survey of early modern texts whose titles include the terms theriac and mithridate reveals over 500 publications printed across Europe between 1497 and 1800. These texts present a distinct sequence of medical genres: most of the early theriac-related texts were medical treatises for medical practitioners written by physicians and scholars. Later, apothecaries issued theriac-related publications for lay audiences. Theriac underwent a slow transition from being the object of scientific study to a common drug consumed by patients across the social spectrum. I argue that such theriac-related apothecary publications were fundamental components in the commodification of theriac. My analysis of these publications—especially formulas, virtues, and celebrations—shows that apothecaries reinterpreted and disseminated scholarly medical knowledge, thereby granting lasting visibility to theriac and mithridate.

Byzantine Healing Amulets from Southwestern Crimea

Introduction. The article presents two unique items from the Southwestern Crimea – a bronze finger ring with an image of a lion-headed serpent Chnoubis, originating from a female burial of the first quarter of the 7 th century of the Gothic-Alanian burial ground near the village of Luchistoye, and a bronze medallion, which was found in the area of the village of Goncharnoye, with magic signs, formulas and an image of Chnoubis, which is tied to an altar, fighting a snake. Methods. According to some similar findings from the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire, the ring and the medallion are attributed to the group of Byzantine medical amulets. The amulets of the Early Byzantine time demonstrate continuity with pre-Christian magical practices, therefore, late ancient magical gems and texts were involved to decipher the plots and inscriptions engraved on those amulets. Analysis. The finger ring was intended to improve digestion and to treat diseases of a digestive tract. The woman who owned the item was wearing it in a chest necklace, at the level of her stomach – just as it was recommended in medical treatises to wear amulets for abdominal pain. The medallion was a complex amulet intended for women. Chnoubis in the scene of fighting the snake and the spell ÐÉÍÏ are depicted on both sides of the medallion. In one case, Chnoubis is a guardian of a stomach and a fighter against diseases of the digestive tract, whose actions are enhanced by the three times repeated spell ÐÉÍÏ, which contributes to better digestion. In the second case, Chnoubis is a defender of women’s health, and the disappearing word ÐÉÍÏ should help stop pathological uterine bleeding. The action of the amulet is enhanced by a formula against demons that cause disease, and its healing properties are confirmed by the inscription ÕÃÉÁ (health). Such an amulet should be worn suspended from the neck by a long cord, or fastened to the belt. Results. Both items belong to the group of medical magic amulets. They were brought from the Eastern Mediterranean provinces of the Empire, where in the 6th – 7th centuries there were magic amulets similar in form and repertoire of protective means. The appearance of such items among the Gothic-Alanian population of the Southwestern Crimea is not surprising. The influence of the Byzantine civilization on all aspects of the life of the local population in the Early Middle Ages can be traced both from written sources and from numerous archaeological findings.