scholarly journals THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC BETWEEN THE PARLIAMENTARY AND SEMI-PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM

2021 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
DARKO GOLIĆ

The position and role of the head of state are crucial for determining whether a system of government can be determined as a parliamentary or semi-presidential one. In the five states of the former Yugoslavia, the established systems of government, although in principle parliamentary, contain a mixture of elements of these two systems. In addition to direct election, which is common to all these five states, proximity to one or the other system is determined by the scope and content of the powers of the head of state, and his position in relation to parliament and government. In that respect, analyzed systems postion themselfs in different places between those two systems. However, constitutional solutions in countries that go beyond the parliamentary system, yet do not reach the semi-presidential system, do not always correspond to the real role of the head of state, which is especially contributed by his (non) party character, numerous political factors, and areas of shared competencies and powers.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Garcia-Pelegrin ◽  
Clive Wilkins ◽  
Nicola Clayton

Abstract The use of magic effects to investigate the blind spots in the attention and perception and roadblocks in the cognition of the spectator has yielded thought-provoking results elucidating how these techniques operate. However, little is known about the interplay between experience practising magic and being deceived by magic effects. In this study, we performed two common sleight of hand effects and their real transfer counterparts to non-magicians, and to magicians with a diverse range of experience practising magic. Although, as a group, magicians identified the sleights of hand as deceptive actions significantly more than non-magicians; this ability was only evidenced in magicians with more than 5 years in the craft. However, unlike the rest of the participants, experienced magicians had difficulty correctly pinpointing the location of the coin in one of the real transfers presented. We hypothesise that this might be due to the inherent ambiguity of this transfer, in which, contrary to the other real transfer performed, no clear perceptive clue is given about the location of the coin. We suggest that extensive time practising magic might have primed experienced magicians to anticipate foul play when observing ambiguous movements, even when the actions observed are genuine.


ICL Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qerim Qerimi ◽  
Vigan Qorrolli

AbstractIn a period of less than a year, two decisions of the newly established Constitu­tional Court of the Republic of Kosovo resulted in the resignation of two Presidents of the new State. Ruling on the unconstitutionality of the act of simultaneously holding the position of the head of State and that of his political party, in one case; and ruling on the unconstitutionality of his election due to procedural irregularities in the other, the Court prompted fundamental changes to the political landscape of Kosovo that in the first case led to new and extraordinary elections, whereas in the second to a political arrangement that would ultimately lead to constitutional reforms. Following the Court’s decisions, both Presidents (Sejdiu and Pacolli) resigned from their posts.This article offers a textual analysis of the merits and controversies surrounding both decisions, which will be situated in the broader context of the seemingly powerful role of Constitutional Courts in certain societies in transition. The overall analysis demonstrates the weaknesses inherent to the initial stages of State formation, and to the foundational con­stitutional instrument, indicating the importance of the Constitution’s clarity for political stability. In an environment characterized by a dominant perception of a politicized judiciary, the Court’s decisions testify to the judicial activism of the Constitutional Court and, in terms of the substance and consequences of its key decisions, also to judicial supremacy. The Court’s decisions have also had some significance for testing the country’s political culture, a test that has been met in both cases eventually with compliance by those most affected.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-88
Author(s):  
Komal Prasad Phuyal

Prema Shah’s “A Husband” and Rokeya S. Hossain’s “Sultana’s Dream” present two complementary versions of women’s world: the real in Shah and the imagined in Hossain aspire to make the other complete. The worldview that each author projects in their texts reasserts the latent spirit of the other one. The embedded interconnectedness between the authors under discussion reveals their unique association and bond of women’s creative unity towards paving a road for the upliftment of women in general. The paper seeks to find out the historical forces leading to the formation of a certain type of bond between these two authors from different historical and socio-cultural realities. Shah locates a typical Nepali woman in the protagonist in the patriarchal order while Hossain pictures the contemporary Bengali Islamic society and reverses the role of men and women. Hossain’s ideal world and Shah’s real world form two complementary versions of each other: despite opposite in nature, each world completes the other. Sultana moves to the world of dream to seek a new order because Nirmala’s world exercises every form of tortures upon the women’s self. Shah exposes the social reality dictating upon the women’s self while Hossain’s protagonist escapes into the world of dream where women control the social reality effectively and successfully. Overall, Shah and Hossain complement each other’s world by presenting two alternative versions of the same reality, creating the feminist utopia.


Obiter ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
George Barrie

This note attempts to analyse the essence of presidential powers in South Africa. These powers are in essence found in sections 83−85 of the Constitution, which relate to “The President”, “Powers and functions of President” and “Executive authority of the Republic” respectively. After being in operation for close to two-and-a-half decades, questions still remain as to the precise meaning of the Constitution’s reference to the President as “head of state”, “head of the national executive” and being vested with “executive authority”. The existence of such questions, it is submitted, should be of some concern. Since the role of the President is critical in ensuring effective executive government, is it not imperative that, by this time, there should be a consensus as to the meaning of the terms “head of state”, “head of the national executive” and “executive authority”? The role of the President can be extremely politically demanding. Executive aggrandisement must be averted. Because our system of executive government is relatively unexplored given that the Constitution only dates from 1996, it needs to be developed in a truly democratic context with a keen sense of constitutionalism. This implies that the executive must be “unable to employ the strong arm tactics that an autocratic executive is by its very nature able to do”.The dilemma facing the South African President as head of state and head of the national executive and being vested with executive authority (sections 83, 84 and 85 of the Constitution) is similar to that faced by Abraham Lincoln on 4 July 1861 in his historic address to the United States Congress after the outbreak of the Civil War. Lincoln posed this question: “Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?”.In discussing the terms “head of state” and “head of the national executive”, the terms as they feature in the Constitution are referred to; the terms as interpreted and applied in practice are analysed and lastly the myriad questions raised by the terms are highlighted. It will emerge that when it comes to analysing these terms, there appear to be more questions than answers. It is submitted that these unanswered questions are not consonant with good governance and can only result in constant litigation.


1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. M. Lewis

In the lives of nations, as of men, reputations all too often achieve their widest currency when they are already out of date. The Somali Republic is no exception to this general rule. Although the real circumstances had already significantly altered before the military brusquely seized power in October 1969, Somalia was still generally known for democracy at home and trouble abroad. The first of these characterisations referred to the striking persistance of a vigorous and effective multi-party parliamentary system, and the second to the seemingly uniquely intractable nature of the ‘Somali Dispute’ which committed the Republic to supporting the secessionist claims of the contiguous Somali populations of Kenya, Ethiopia, and French Somaliland, at the price of severely strained relations with these neighbouring states. These and other attributes unusual amongst the new states of sub-Saharan Africa appeared to be closely connected with the Republic's exuberant sense of national identity, a quality all the more remarkable in being firmly grounded in a long-standing and entirely traditional cultural nationalism.


1973 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-9
Author(s):  
George F. Green

Mature students of mathematics can readily cope with new and abstract terms if precise definitions of the terms are provided. For such students, neither the new term nor its definition needs to have any obvious connection with the real world. Most young children, on the other hand, require relatively clear associations between abstract terms and physical reality. Making these associations is the role of pedagogical models. The word model has many meanings in mathematics and elsewhere, but it is used here simply to mean an assignment of meaning to an abstraction, in familiar—frequently physical—terms. The child's model, then, is somewhat analogous to the mathematician's definition.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bert Olivier

This article addresses the thorny issue of the psychologist or psychotherapist's values or ethical orientation. The suggestion is made that certain aspects of Jacques Lacan's psychoanalytical theory provide the resources to overcome the obstacle of arbitrariness or relativism faced by psychotherapists who unavoidably have to take an ethical stance — implicitly if not explicitly — in relation to clients' or analysands' lives and decisions. The dilemma faced by the psychotherapist is recontructed and specific aspects of the poststructuralist psychoanalytical theory of Lacan are addressed. These include the function of the subject's position in the symbolic register (in contrast to the imaginary register of the ego), the role of the unconscious as the ‘discourse of the Other’, of narrative and of repressed signifiers as ethical ‘anchoring points’. Crucially, however, the implications of the register of the ‘real’ for the ethics of the psychoanalyst as psychotherapist are added. These, offer invaluable means of overcoming the dilemma of ethical relativism faced by psychotherapists.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Garcia-Pelegrin ◽  
Clive Wilkins ◽  
Nicola Clayton

Abstract In this study we performed two common sleight of hand effects and their real transfer counterparts to non-magicians and to magicians with a diverse range of experience practicing magic. Although, as a group, magicians identified the sleights of hand as deceptive actions significantly more than non-magicians; this ability was only evidenced in magicians with more than 5 years in the craft. However, unlike the rest of participants, experienced magicians had difficulty in correctly pinpointing the location of the coin in one of the real transfers presented. We hypothesise that this might be due to the inherent ambiguity of this transfer, in which, contrary to the other real transfer performed, no clear perceptive clue is given in reference to the location of the coin. We suggest that extensive time practicing magic might have primed experienced magicians to anticipate foul play when observing ambiguous movements, even when the actions observed are genuine.


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