Direct Democracy at the Local Level

2022 ◽  
pp. 20-40
Author(s):  
Wilfried Marxer

Municipalities of Liechtenstein enjoy a considerable degree of autonomy. There are matters which, according to the Municipality Act, must be decided by the entirety of the municipality's citizens who are entitled to vote. Furthermore, a referendum can be held against decisions of the municipal council by collecting signatures, or a popular vote on certain issues can be triggered through a citizens' initiative. In such ballots, citizens who are entitled to vote and reside in the municipality are admitted. In case of votes on the naturalisation of foreign nationals, only those who are resident in and have citizenship of the municipality in question are entitled to vote. Votes on naturalisation are more frequent than votes on matters of substance. Initiatives at municipal level, on the other hand, are rare. Municipal citizens can also exert direct influence at national level. Direct democratic instruments at national level can be taken by a nationwide collection of signatures or three or four identical municipal resolutions.

1979 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Godfrey

Historians of Chartism face a dilemma. On the one hand, they are obliged to interpret this national political movement on the national level, to attempt to explain why millions of British working men and women were engaged in organized political activity over several decades. But, on the other hand, many of the richest sources on Chartism are found on the local level. Older histories of the movement treated Chartism from a national perspective, but failed to take note of many of its complexities. More recently, a good deal of local research has rigorously tested our assumptions about Chartism, but the task of carefully analyzing the movement on the national level still remains.


Author(s):  
John S. Ahlquist ◽  
Margaret Levi

This chapter examines how the national-level organizations manage internal heterogeneity across individual members, as well as specific geographically defined subunits. By observing internal opposition to the dominant national leadership of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), and Waterside Workers' Federation (WWF), the chapter compares specific locals within each union. Consequently, it shows the robustness of the larger organizational governance institutions to perturbation once in equilibrium and that, at the local level, workers did not sort in to unions for political or social reasons; rather, they joined where the economic opportunities first appeared. The ILWU and WWF, whose leaders ask member contributions to political projects, pursued active persuasion combined with tolerance. The IBT, on the other hand, invested less in persuasion and employed screening and repression.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 60-68
Author(s):  
Antonio L. Vásquez

Since the decade of the 1990s, Tennessee has been recognized as one of the fastest growing receiving states for recent migrant populations at the regional and national level in the United States. In concert with this transformative demographic change, state residents have also witnessed a rise of political nativism in the form of in-state, anti-immigrant legislation and dehumanization of the other. This article seeks to offer insights from coordinating a community-based global studies class project that centers on the experiences and perspectives of recent migrants and their families living in the state, which in turns contributes to a different public conversation at the local level.


Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Francis O’Connor ◽  
Martín Portos ◽  
Anna Subirats Ribas

This chapter examines the 2011 water referendum in Italy, focusing on the appropriation of opportunities, resource mobilisation, and the framing of the campaign by social movements and civil society organisations. It shows that some of the characteristics of the referendums from below that were observed in Scotland and Catalonia also fit the Italian case. In terms of appropriation of opportunities, the referendum against the privatisation of water supply was far from a single-issue campaign, instead emerging from long-lasting struggles that made use of a multiple and varied repertoire of contention, including institutional and unconventional forms of action. The chapter also discusses how the closing down of opportunities at the national level and the availability of political allies at the local level prompted the use of forms of direct democracy. Finally, it demonstrates how the provision of water became a symbol of resistance to neoliberalism and austerity policies in Italy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Arelis Serrano Rodríguez

La inclusión se asume  no  solo como la vinculación y asistencia a una escuela regular o un espacio laboral, (Tilstone Christina, 2003), es sobre todo una oportunidad de participar en la vida diaria. Es vivir con integridad en cualquier situación social. Esto ubica a la inclusión como campo temático en un espacio  trascendental en la educación. Convirtiéndose en objetivo de investigación, en este caso con la pretensión de: Identificar las investigaciones y proyectos significativos, que se han desarrollado a nivel, Local, nacional e internacional.  Además  conocer el abordaje realizado en los diferentes contextos, con relación a las prácticas inclusivas. Se utilizó el método de revisión documental, específicamente, de artículos resultados de investigaciones en el contexto local, nacional e internacional. Encontrando escasa producción a nivel local, dos (2) producciones significativas a nivel nacional, en su mayoría adolecen  de fundamentos conceptuales. Mientras que a nivel internacional se revisaron  cuatro 4 producciones de las cuales se puede afirmar que las investigación se enmarcan en el campo de la educación, desde un enfoque de derechos, sin embargo adolecen de elementos conceptuales y epistemológicos  que soporten  el currículo, prácticas y cultura inclusiva, como categorías fuertes en procesos investigativos.ABSTRACT:The inclusion is assumed not only as the incorporation and attendance to an ordinary school or job space (Tilstone Christina, 2003), it’s above all an opportunity to participate in daily life situations. It’s all about living with integrity at any social situation. This places the inclusion as a thematic field in a transcendental space in education, becoming an investigation objective, in this case pretending to identify the investigations and projects more meaningfully, which have been developed to a local,  national and international level. On the other hand it’s necessary to know how the different contexts have been faced in relation to inclusive practices. A Documentary revision method was used in this work and specifically articles of research results in thelocal, national and international context, finding a lack of production in a local level,  two (2) meaningful productions in a national level, most of them lacking of fundamental concepts, On the other hand, at a national level they were checked 4 productions on which it can be confirmed that the investigations are framed in the education field from a rights approach however there’s a lack of conceptual and epistemological elements that support the curriculum, practices and inclusive culture as strong categories in research projects.


Author(s):  
Mariia Ilina ◽  
Yulia Shpyliova

Public-private partnership is the instrument of cooperation between state and business. It has many forms and functions but the only purpose to improve welfare of the territories. In relations between state and business the partnership can play dominant, subsidiary or supervisory role, regulate the institutional mechanism of financial cooperation, develop strategies, solve conflicts and provide social, communal and infrastructure services. Currently implementation of the public-private partnership mechanism in Ukraine is complicated because of shortcomings and gaps in legislation, deficit of different levels budgets, institutional inability of local governments to plan and implement partnership projects and low efficiency of economic activity of business entities. Concerning implementation of the mechanism on rural areas it should be substantially enhanced at the national level for many reasons. Firstly economic situation in most rural areas in Ukraine is depressed and community budgets lack funds. It proves the necessity to intensify economic cooperation and introduce other forms of cooperation. On the other hand, many negative socio-demographic trends (migration, depopulation, social exclusion and marginalization) are inherent in rural areas. It makes difficult for local governments to cooperate with communities members. Capability of the state to support partnerships is also complicated major because of underdeveloped organizational and economic support mechanism. Lack of annual plans to finance partnership projects, funds, technical support to implement projects, and no ways to get state guarantees are the evidence. Taking into account rural territories have no much capacity for development, the mechanism of public-private partnership should include the following key steps: identifying priority areas for PPP application, considering socio-economic potential of different types of the territories and social relevance of a project for a community; improving the qualification level of project management personnel; involvement of the private sector into infrastructural projects; state support for pilot projects; ensuring more transparency in decision making and use of budget resources and simplifying project selection requirements. Implementation of the PPP mechanism on rural areas will improve their infrastructure and satisfy social needs of residents. In order to improve the mechanism of state support for the implementation of PPP projects at the local level it is needed to establish a national specialized agency, define clearly powers of the state authorities, local self-government authorities and members of communities involved into PPP implementation. The other task is to create an informational framework. The purpose of the article is to substantiate how the public-private partnership’s mechanism can work on rural areas.


Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-649
Author(s):  
Benny Geys

A significant international literature has shown that political fragmentation the existence of multiple parties in a governing body - affects policy-making. Indeed, an increase in the number of parties increases the number of viewpoints considered, but on the other hand may also lead to a decrease in government flexibility. This paper first of all shows that Flemish municipalities often have fragmented governments as measured by the number of parties represented in the municipal council and the College of Mayor and Alderman. We also show that this fragmentation at the local level affects policy-making, though not necessarily in the same directions found in the international literature.


From the experiments described by the author in a former paper, it appeared that a magnetized needle vibrated under exposure to the sun’s rays, came to rest sooner than when screened from their influence; that a similar effect was produced on a needle of glass or of copper, but that the effect on the magnetized needle greatly exceeded that upon either of the others. In the prosecution of this inquiry, the author has endeavoured to vary the experiments so as to obviate several causes of inaccuracy which might tend to invalidate the general conclusions he had before drawn. His first object was to compare the effects of the solar rays on an unmagnetized steel needle with one that was magnetized under the same circumstances; and the result was, that the latter was influenced in a more considerable degree than the former; and a similar difference was observed when the vibrations of a magnetized needle were compared with those of a needle made of glass or of copper. He ascertained that the diminution of the terminal arc of vibration, on exposure to the sun, was not occasioned merely by the heat imparted to the needles or surrounding medium, although this cause appeared in some instances to measure the intensity of the action which produced the diminution. In order to determine the comparative influence of the separate rays, he allowed them to fall on the needles after transmission through differently coloured fluids and glasses; but owing to want of opportunity, he was obliged to abandon the inquiry before arriving at any determinate results: though as far as they went, they appeared to confirm the conclusion that the effects were dependent on the degree of light, and not on that of the heat. The red rays, however, appeared to have a greater effect in diminishing the terminal arc than the blue. In order to determine the single effect of temperature, independently of light, the needles were vibrated in close vessels surrounded with water of different temperatures; the results showed that the terminal arc was increased in air of higher temperatures, which is the reverse of what takes place from the direct influence of the solar rays; and that this effect, instead of being different in the magnetized and in the other needles, was nearly the same in all, of whatever materials they consisted, and whether magnetized or not. The author next endeavoured to ascertain the effects produced on the axes of vibration by the action of a common fire; these, though much less in degree, he found to be similar in kind to those of the sun.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-240
Author(s):  
María Dolores Guillamón ◽  
Javier Cifuentes ◽  
Ursula Faura ◽  
Bernardino Benito

La mayor parte de la investigación sobre la corrupción se ha realizado a nivel nacional, porque su estudio a nivel regional o local es más complejo. Aunque hay muchos estudios sobre la relación entre la corrupción y el gasto público, muy pocos examinan la influencia de la corrupción en los ingresos públicos, y no hemos encontrado ninguno a nivel subnacional, excepto el reciente de Liu y Mikesell (2019). Nuestro objetivo es analizar la corrupción política a nivel municipal, estudiando si el nivel de ingresos de los gobiernos municipales se ve afectado por los casos de corrupción que involucran a los políticos locales. Otros factores que se toman en cuenta son la ideología política, el gobierno de mayoría absoluta y el ciclo electoral. La muestra es un panel de datos de todos los municipios españoles con una población de más de 50.000 habitantes para el período 2002-2013. Most research on corruption has been at the national level, because its study at the regional or local level is more complex. Although there are many studies about the relation between corruption and government spending, very few examine the influence of corruption on government revenues, and we have not found any at the subnational level, except the recent Liu & Mikesell (2019). Our aim is to analyze political corruption at the municipal level, studying whether the level of revenue of municipal governments is affected by the cases of corruption involving local politicians. Some of the other factors taken into account are political ideology, absolute majority government and the electoral cycle. The sample is a data panel of all the Spanish municipalities with a population of over 50,000 inhabitants for the period 2002-2013. Our results reveal that municipalities with higher levels of corruption have higher tax revenues in per capita terms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 1183-1189
Author(s):  
Dr. Tridibesh Tripathy ◽  
Dr. Umakant Prusty ◽  
Dr. Chintamani Nayak ◽  
Dr. Rakesh Dwivedi ◽  
Dr. Mohini Gautam

The current article of Uttar Pradesh (UP) is about the ASHAs who are the daughters-in-law of a family that resides in the same community that they serve as the grassroots health worker since 2005 when the NRHM was introduced in the Empowered Action Group (EAG) states. UP is one such Empowered Action Group (EAG) state. The current study explores the actual responses of Recently Delivered Women (RDW) on their visits during the first month of their recent delivery. From the catchment area of each of the 250 ASHAs, two RDWs were selected who had a child in the age group of 3 to 6 months during the survey. The response profiles of the RDWs on the post- delivery first month visits are dwelled upon to evolve a picture representing the entire state of UP. The relevance of the study assumes significance as detailed data on the modalities of postnatal visits are available but not exclusively for the first month period of their recent delivery. The details of the post-delivery first month period related visits are not available even in large scale surveys like National Family Health Survey 4 done in 2015-16. The current study gives an insight in to these visits with a five-point approach i.e. type of personnel doing the visit, frequency of the visits, visits done in a particular week from among those four weeks separately for the three visits separately. The current study is basically regarding the summary of this Penta approach for the post- delivery one-month period.     The first month period after each delivery deals with 70% of the time of the postnatal period & the entire neonatal period. Therefore, it does impact the Maternal Mortality Rate & Ratio (MMR) & the Neonatal Mortality Rates (NMR) in India and especially in UP through the unsafe Maternal & Neonatal practices in the first month period after delivery. The current MM Rate of UP is 20.1 & MM Ratio is 216 whereas the MM ratio is 122 in India (SRS, 2019). The Sample Registration System (SRS) report also mentions that the Life Time Risk (LTR) of a woman in pregnancy is 0.7% which is the highest in the nation (SRS, 2019). This means it is very risky to give birth in UP in comparison to other regions in the country (SRS, 2019). This risk is at the peak in the first month period after each delivery. Similarly, the current NMR in India is 23 per 1000 livebirths (UNIGME,2018). As NMR data is not available separately for states, the national level data also hold good for the states and that’s how for the state of UP as well. These mortalities are the impact indicators and such indicators can be reduced through long drawn processes that includes effective and timely visits to RDWs especially in the first month period after delivery. This would help in making their post-natal & neonatal stage safe. This is the area of post-delivery first month visit profile detailing that the current article helps in popping out in relation to the recent delivery of the respondents.   A total of four districts of Uttar Pradesh were selected purposively for the study and the data collection was conducted in the villages of the respective districts with the help of a pre-tested structured interview schedule with both close-ended and open-ended questions.  The current article deals with five close ended questions with options, two for the type of personnel & frequency while the other three are for each of the three visits in the first month after the recent delivery of respondents. In addition, in-depth interviews were also conducted amongst the RDWs and a total 500 respondents had participated in the study.   Among the districts related to this article, the results showed that ASHA was the type of personnel who did the majority of visits in all the four districts. On the other hand, 25-40% of RDWs in all the 4 districts replied that they did not receive any visit within the first month of their recent delivery. Regarding frequency, most of the RDWs in all the 4 districts received 1-2 times visits by ASHAs.   Regarding the first visit, it was found that the ASHAs of Barabanki and Gonda visited less percentage of RDWs in the first week after delivery. Similarly, the second visit revealed that about 1.2% RDWs in Banda district could not recall about the visit. Further on the second visit, the RDWs responded that most of them in 3 districts except Gonda district did receive the second postnatal visit in 7-15 days after their recent delivery. Less than half of RDWs in Barabanki district & just more than half of RDWs in Gonda district received the third visit in 15-21 days period after delivery. For the same period, the majority of RDWs in the rest two districts responded that they had been entertained through a home visit.


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