The Impact of Income on the Division in Domestic Labor: The Case Study in Rural Vietnam

The imbalance in the distribution of responsibilities for unpaid work has profoundly affected women’s’ empowerment and full participation in economic and social activities. The study surveyed more than 150 households in one rural area in one Vietnamese province. This study's result in the central rural area did not improve Vietnamese domestic labor division compared to previous studies. The daily time taken up doing housework strongly correlates with gender, and the t-Test is statistically significant differences in the mean by gender. Wives earn additional money, and then spend less time on housework; nonetheless, the wife's minimum threshold for housework time is much higher than her husband's maximum threshold. Unlike the time devoted to housework, how much income contributes to the household does not affect childcare time. Except for the gender factor, the importance and extent of factors affecting housework and childcare differed markedly. Peculiarly, the unemployment of husbands is not a normal situation in Vietnamese families, so the assumption of exchange theory is not satisfied, though the wife is almost unable to negotiate with the unemployed husband.

How does parental time relate to social class in a Nordic welfare state?

Time intensive parenting has spread in Western countries. This study contributes to the literature on parental time use, aiming to deepen our understanding of the relationship between parental childcare time and social class. Based on time-diary data (2010–2011) from Norway, and a concept of social class that links parents’ amount and composition of economic and cultural capital, we examine the time spent by parents on childcare activities. The analysis shows that class and gender intersect: intensive motherhood, as measured by time spent on active childcare, including developmental childcare activities thought to stimulate children's skills, is practised by all mothers. A small group of mothers in the economic upper-middle class fraction spend even more time on childcare than the other mothers. The time fathers spend on active childcare is less than mothers’, and intra-class divisions are notable. Not only lower-middle class fathers, but also cultural/balanced upper-middle class fathers spend the most time on intensive fathering. Economic upper-middle and working-class fathers spend the least time on childcare. This new insight into class patterns in parents’ childcare time challenges the widespread notion of different cultural childcare logics in the middle class, compared to the working class.

The varying impacts of COVID-19 and its related measures in the UK: A year in review

We examine how the earnings, time use, and subjective wellbeing of different social groups changed at different stages/waves of the pandemic in the United Kingdom (UK). We analyze longitudinal data from the latest UK Household Longitudinal Survey (UKHLS) COVID study and the earlier waves of the UKHLS to investigate within-individual changes in labor income, paid work time, housework time, childcare time, and distress level during the three lockdown periods and the easing period between them (from April 2020 to late March 2021). We find that as the pandemic developed, COVID-19 and its related lockdown measures in the UK had unequal and varying impacts on people’s income, time use, and subjective well-being based on their gender, ethnicity, and educational level. In conclusion, the extent of the impacts of COVID-19 and COVID-induced measures as well as the speed at which these impacts developed, varied across social groups with different types of vulnerabilities.

Parents’ Sleep Across Weekdays and Weekends: The Influence of Work, Housework, and Childcare Time

Children increase time demands with important consequences for sleep. Here, we test whether parents’ paid and unpaid time demands and the presence of young children equally reduce mothers’ and fathers’ sleep, comparing the married/cohabiting to unmarried. Applying data from the American Time Use Survey (ATUS, 2003–2016), we find married/cohabiting mothers report less sleep when young children or multiple children are present; they are employed; their spouses are employed; and they spend more time in housework and childcare. By contrast, unmarried mothers report less sleep when children are present because of their larger domestic loads. For married/cohabiting fathers, the presence of multiple children is associated with less sleep but doing more housework results in more sleep. Finally, unmarried fathers’ employment time explains the association of children on their sleep. Parents report a sleep deficit relative to the childless but the reasons vary by gender and the co-presence of a partner.

Beyond Childcare: Changes in the Amount and Types of Parent-Child Time over Three Decades

Parents’ time with children has increased over the past several decades, according to many scholars. Yet, research predominantly focuses on childcare activities, overlooking the majority of time parents spend with children. Using time diaries from the 1986-2015 Canadian General Social Survey, we examine trends in the quantity and distribution of parents’ childcare time and total contact time in the company of children, as well as the behavioral or compositional drivers of these trends. Contact time with children increased sharply since the mid-1980s, by 1 hour per day for fathers and 1.5 hours for mothers. This rise was driven not only by childcare activities but also parents’ time in housework and mothers’ time in leisure with children present. Decomposition analyses indicate that changes in parenting behavior primarily explain these increases in contact time. This study expands knowledge on intensive parenting through a more comprehensive understanding of parents’ daily lives with children.

Trends in Mothers' Parenting Time by Education and Work From 2003 to 2017

Scholars have been increasingly concerned about the rise in “intensive mothering” and its implications for the well-being of children and women and for inequality more broadly. These concerns, however, reflect a key assumption: that socioeconomic disparities in mothers' parenting time observed in earlier eras have continued to grow. Using the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) from 2003–2005 and 2015–2017 (n = 13,755), we test this assumption by examining whether maternal education gaps in active time spent with children have persisted across the 2000s. We pay particular attention to the continued socioeconomic bifurcation in women's access to full-time stable work, assessing whether changes in the education-related time gap are due to changes in who works and how much. We find that the gap in active childcare time between mothers with a college degree and those without has closed dramatically. Although some of this narrowing was driven by declines in time among college-educated mothers, most was driven by increases among mothers with less education. These trends, however, are observed only among mothers who were not employed full-time. Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition analyses further reveal that although most of the increase in active care time among nonworking mothers with less education was attributable to behavioral change, 58% of the decline among nonworking, college-educated mothers was a result of sociodemographic compositional changes. These findings illuminate population-level trends in mothers' active parenting time, provide insights into the driving factors, and help update theories, qualitative findings, and policy considerations related to mothers' and children's well-being.