Early Numeracy and Literacy Skills Among Monolingual and Bilingual Kindergarten Children

Early numeracy and literacy skills are all the knowledge that children acquire spontaneously and independently before entering school and beginning formal learning. This knowledge is essential and forms the basis for the acquisition of reading and arithmetic in school. A bilingual child is a child who is fluent in two languages, as opposed to a monolingual child who is exposed to only one language. Bilingualism has been found to affect verbal and mathematical abilities in children, but only a few studies have focused on the early numeracy and literacy skills of preschoolers. This study examined the connection between early numeracy and literacy skills and among monolingual children as compared to bilingual children in preschool. Three hundred and two children aged 5–6years old were recruited from 74 kindergartens. Participants were divided into two groups: 151 monolingual children who spoke and were exposed to only one language (Hebrew) and 151 bilingual children who spoke and were exposed to two languages (the bilingual children spoke different languages). Monolingual children performed better than the bilingual children in most of the literacy tasks, except for phonological awareness, in which no differences were found between the groups. In addition, in the early numeracy tasks, a difference was found only in the task, which included linguistic knowledge, number knowledge, and counting tasks, in which the monolingual children performed better. Furthermore, stronger correlations were found between the early numeracy and literacy skills among the monolingual group compared to the bilingual group. The study findings stress the importance of strengthening linguistic abilities, such as vocabulary expansion in kindergarten among populations in which more than one language is spoken. Supporting these abilities can reduce the gap between bilingual children and their monolingual classmates before entering school.

Child Heritage Language Development: An Interplay Between Cross-Linguistic Influence and Language-External Factors

The current study investigated the mechanisms of heritage language (HL) development with a focus on case morphology. First, the effects of cross-linguistic influence (i.e., the influence of the properties of the societal language (SL) on the acquisition of the HL) was assessed by performing bilingual vs. monolingual, and between-bilingual group comparisons (Russian–Dutch vs. Russian–Hebrew bilinguals). Russian, Hebrew, and Dutch show differences in the marking of the accusative (ACC) and genitive (GEN) cases, and these differences were used as a basis for the evaluation of cross-linguistic influences. Second, the study evaluated the contribution of language-external factors such as chronological age, age of onset of bilingualism (AoO), languages spoken by the parent to the child (only HL, only SL, both HL and SL), and family language type (both parents are HL speakers, mixed families). Finally, we assessed how language-external factors might potentially mitigate the effects of cross-linguistic influences in bilinguals. Russian-Dutch bilinguals from the Netherlands (n = 39, MAGE = 5.1, SD = 0.8), Russian-Hebrew bilinguals from Israel (n = 36, MAGE = 4.9, SD = 0.9) and monolingual Russian-speaking children (n = 41, MAGE = 4.8, SD = 0.8), along with adult controls residing in the Russian Federation, participated in the study. The case production of ACC and GEN cases was evaluated using elicitation tasks. For the bilinguals, the background data on individual language-external factors were elicited from the participants. The results show that case morphology is challenging under HL acquisition—case acquisition in the HL is impeded under the influence of the properties of the SL. This is evident in the lower performance of both bilingual groups, compared with the monolingual controls who showed ceiling performance in the production of target inflection in the ACC and GEN contexts. More specifically, the acquisition of morphology is hindered when there are differences in the mapping of functional features (such as with Russian-Hebrew bilinguals) and/or the absence of this feature marking (such as with Russian-Dutch bilinguals). But the findings also point to the involvement of language-external factors as important mitigators of potential negative effects of cross-linguistic influence. In summary, HL development is an intricate interplay between cross-linguistic influence and language-external factors.

Gradience in subject–verb number agreement: Can bilinguals tune in?

This study investigates native German speakers’ and bilingual Turkish/German speakers’ sensitivity to constraints on verbal agreement with pseudo-partitive subjects such as eine Packung Tabletten (“a pack of pills”). Although number agreement with the first noun phrase (headed by a container noun) is considered to be the norm, agreement with the second (containee) noun phrase is also possible. We combined scalar acceptability ratings with a stochastic constraint-based grammatical framework to model the relative strength of the constraints that determine speakers’ agreement preferences and subsequently tested whether these models could correctly predict speakers’ verb choices in a production task. For both participant groups, number match between the container noun phrase and the verb was the strongest determinant of both acceptability and production choices. The relative ranking of the constraints that we identified was the same for both groups, and the lack of age-of-acquisition effects suggests that constraints on variable subject–verb agreement, and their relative strength, are acquirable by both early and later learners of German. Group differences were seen in the absolute constraint weightings, however, with the bilinguals’ agreement preferences being more strongly influenced by number match with the containee phrase, indicating a comparatively greater reliance on surface-level cues to agreement (such as noun proximity) among the bilingual group.

A-113 Evaluation of a Recognition Trial for the Symbol Digit Modalities Test as a Performance Validity Measure in Monolingual and Bilingual Traumatic Brain Injury Survivors

Objective Research shows that traumatic brain injury (TBI) patients perform worse than healthy comparisons (HC) on the Symbol Digit Modalities Test (SDMT). We evaluated cut-off scores for a newly developed recognition trial of the SDMT as a performance validity assessment in monolingual and bilingual TBI survivors and HC adults. Method The sample consisted of 43 acute TBI (ATBI; 24 monolinguals; 19 bilinguals), 32 chronic TBI (CTBI; 13 monolinguals; 19 bilinguals), and 57 HC (24 monolinguals; 33 bilinguals) participants. All participants received standardized administration of the SDMT. None of the participants displayed motivation for feigning cognitive deficits. Results The HC group outperformed both TBI groups on the demographically adjusted SDMT scores, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.24. An interaction emerged in SDMT scores where monolingual ATBI outperformed bilingual ATBI and bilingual CTBI outperformed monolingual CTBI, p = 0.017, ηp2 = 0.06. No differences were found in the SDMT recognition trial. Both Bichlmeier and Boone’s suggested cut-off scores had different failure rates in ATBI (Bichlmeier: 77%; Boone: 37%), CTBI (Bichlmeier: 69%; Boone: 19%), and HC (Bichlmeier: 56%; Boone: 26%). For the monolingual group (Bichlmeier: 66%; Boone: 36%) and the bilingual group (Bichlmeier: 66%; Boone: 21%). Finally, chi-squared analysis revealed monolingual TBI had greater failure rates than the bilingual ATBI. Conclusion Bichlmeier’s proposed cut-off score resulted in greater failure rates in TBI survivors compared to Boone’s suggested cut-off score. Furthermore, monolingual ATBI were influenced more by Bichlmeier’s cut-off score than the bilingual ATBI group, although the reason for this finding is unclear and requires additional study with a larger sample size.

How bilinguals perceive speech depends on which language they think they’re hearing.

Bilinguals understand when the communication context calls for speaking a particular language and can switch from speaking one language to the other based on such conceptual knowledge. There is disagreement regarding whether conceptually-based language switching is also possible in the listening modality. For example, can bilingual listeners perceptually adjust to changes in pronunciation across languages based on their conceptual understanding of which language they’re currently hearing? We asked French- and Spanish-English bilinguals to identify nonsense monosyllables as beginning with /b/ or /p/, speech categories that French and Spanish speakers pronounce differently than English speakers. We conceptually cued each bilingual group to one of their two languages or the other by explicitly instructing them that the speech items were word onsets in that language, uttered by a native speaker thereof. Both groups adjusted their /b–p/ identification boundary in accordance with this conceptual cue to the language context. These results support a bilingual model permitting conceptually-based language selection on both the speaking and listening end of a communicative exchange.

About the INTER and the INTRA in age-related research: Evidence from a longitudinal CLIL study with dense time serial measurements

This is the first longitudinal study to explore the best time and timing for regular versus bilingual language exposure in (pre)primary programs, using multiple measures over time so as to focus on fluctuations, trends and interactions in individual data as well as intra-individual variation over time. We studied children who had received 50/50 bilingual instruction in German and English (so-called ‘partial CLIL’ programs) as well as children in ‘minimal CLIL’ programs with almost uniquely monolingual German instruction (90% German, 10% English). Results show that, like other individual differences (ID) variables, the age factor behaves like a dynamic entity that changes over time and affects L2 literacy development differentially at different times. Furthermore, while an early age of first bilingual language exposure has no effect on the L2 development for the children in the minimal CLIL program, early-AO bilinguals in the partial CLIL program (age of first exposure 5) outperform the older-AO bilingual group (age of first exposure 7 and 9) in terms of accuracy and (syntactic and morphological) complexity but not in terms of lexical richness and fluency.

Cross-linguistic influence in L1 processing of morphosyntactic variation: Evidence from L2 learners

The current study investigates cross-linguistic influence of second language (L2) learning on native language (L1) processing of morphosyntactic variation in proficient L2 learners immersed in their L1. Despite Spanish pre- and postverbal clitic pronoun positions being grammatical in complex verb phrases, preferences of use have been well attested in naturalistic language production. To examine whether those preferences obtain for comprehension in monolinguals, as well as how those preferences might be modulated by learning an L2 with fixed pronoun positions, we administered a self-paced reading experiment to 20 Spanish monolinguals as well as 22 proficient learners English (L1 Spanish). The results of a Bayesian mixed effects regression analysis suggest that preferences in production are echoed in comprehension—but only for the monolingual group. We find support for facilitation in the bilingual group precisely where both languages overlap, as well as evidence that bilinguals may not use clitic position as a reliable cue at all. We interpret the results as evidence that learning an L2 that lacks variation for a particular feature may lead to reduced sensitivity to that feature as a cue in an analogous L1 structure. We situate these results in an experience-based, shared-syntax account of language processing.

Bilingualism and reading proficiency: Experiences of Armenian, Persian and Azeri students

The study presented here is an attempt to investigate the role of bilingualism in EFL students’ reading comprehension proficiency, and to that end six classes of three high schools were randomly chosen. These high schools were Soghomonian (Armenian bilinguals), Taleghani (Turkish bilinguals) and Ershad (Persian monolinguals). They were given a questionnaire and a reading comprehension test and the obtained data were analysed through one-way analysis of variance test. The performance of the three groups was significantly different. Tukey’s HSD showed that the Armenian bilingual group was the first and best group and the Persian monolingual group was the second one; however, the Turkish bilingual group was the poor third. The results suggest that L1 literacy practices of the Armenian bilinguals have worked to their advantage to the extent that they have outperformed the other two groups. This has not been the case with the Turkish bilinguals whose lack of L1 practices has worked to their detriment.  Keywords: Bilingualism, literacy, reading comprehension, EFL students.

Factors affecting L2 phonological awareness in Chinese-Dutch preschoolers

The present study compared the relationship between Dutch phonological awareness (rhyme awareness, initial phoneme isolation), Dutch speech decoding and Dutch receptive vocabulary in two groups in different linguistic environments: 30 Mandarin Chinese-Dutch bilingual children and 24 monolingual Dutch peers. Chinese vocabulary and phonological awareness were taken into account in the bilingual group. Bilingual children scored below their Dutch monolingual counterparts on all Dutch tasks. In the bilingual group, Dutch rhyme awareness was predicted by Dutch speech decoding, both directly, and indirectly via Dutch receptive vocabulary. When adding Chinese proficiency to the model, Chinese rhyme awareness was found to mediate the relationship between Dutch speech decoding and Dutch rhyme awareness. It can thus be concluded that second language (L2) phonological awareness in Chinese-Dutch kindergartners is affected by their L2 speech and vocabulary level, on the one hand, and their level of phonological awareness in the first language (L1).

The Setswana speech rhythm of 6–7 year-old Setswana–English bilingual children

Aims and objectives: This study investigates the acquisition of Setswana speech rhythm, considered to be typically syllable-timed, by early sequential Setswana–English bilingual children aged 6–7 years old growing up in Botswana, a country with a diglossic setting, where English is the dominant high-status language in educational and public contexts. For this group of children, taught full-time in English from the age of 3 years, the L2 becomes their dominant language through exposure to English-medium education. The aim was to ascertain if the prosodic patterns of Setswana spoken by the bilingual children are similar to those of the monolingual children or if English, considered to be stress-timed, has an effect on these prosodic features. Data and analysis: The speech rhythm patterns of 10 Setswana–English bilingual children were compared with those of 10 age-matched Setswana monolingual children educated in public schools for whom English is a learner language. The study primarily examines spontaneous speech from the telling of a wordless picture storybook, and utilises rhythm metrics nPVI-V and Varco V to examine the speech rhythm of the children. Findings: The results showed that the prosodic pattern of Setswana in the bilingual group diverged from that of the non-bilingual group. Originality: This is the first such study on speech rhythm in bilingual children in Setswana. Significance: The research provides evidence in this population of effects from English bilingualism on L1 Setswana speech prosody, and challenges the assumption that speech rhythm prosody is established early in life, especially when the language is a less marked, syllable-timed language like Setswana.