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PRASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (01) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Putri Indah Yanti

ABSTRAKPengungkapan gagasan menggunakan gaya bahasa/bahasa kias (majas) pada acara talkshow biasanya bertujuan untuk membangkitkan suasana tegang dan tanggapan beragam di antara penonton, selain untuk memperindah tuturan. Ini artinya majas tidak hanya diterapkan dalam kegiatan bersastra, melainkan juga dibutuhkan pada aspek-aspek terapan sehingga akan tercipta kondisi dan atau situasi yang diharapkan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif karena data yang dikumpulkan berupa tuturan-tuturan Najwa Shihab yang menggunakan banyak bahasa kias (majas) sehingga perlu dianalisis secara mendalam untuk mengetahui maksud dan tujuannya. Objek penelitian ini adalah lima tuturan Najwa Shihab dalam Acara Talkshow Mata Najwa Episode #MataNajwaMenantiTerawan yang berwujud pertanyaan yang ditujukan kepada Menteri Kesehatan RI, Terawan Agus Putranto yang diunggah pada kanal YouTube Mata Najwa pada tanggal 28 September 2020. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang dilontarkan pemandu acara talkshow Mata Najwa, Najwa Shihab kepada Menteri Kesehatan RI, Terawan Agus Putranto dalam episode #MataNajwaMenantiTerawan mengandung majas yang bervariasi, yakni majas ironi, repetisi, paradoks, alegori, dan sinisme. Dari kelimanya, bisa disimpulkan bahwa majas sindiranlah yang mendominasi pertanyaan-pertanyaan Najwa Shihab pada episode tersebut yang penggunaannya difungsikan untuk mengubah perilaku seseorang/sasaran.Kata kunci: Najwa Shihab, MataNajwaMenantiTerawan, majasABSTRACT Expression of ideas using language style (figure of speech) aims to evoke a certain atmosphere and certain responses, in addition to beautifying speech. Thus, if figure of speech is applied not only in literary activities, but also in applied aspects, the expected situation conditions will be created. This research uses descriptive qualitative research methods. Descriptive research is carried out because the data collected for research is in the form of information containing research documentation and the data obtained needs to be analyzed in depth in order to get a detailed picture of the things that support the research. The object of this research is the spoken language spoken by Najwa Shihab in the Mata Najwa Talkshow Episode #MataNajwaMenantiTerawan which was uploaded on the Mata Najwa YouTube channel on September 28, 2020 with more than six million viewers. Based on the results of this study, it is known that the questions asked by the talk show host Mata Najwa, Najwa Shihab to the Minister of Health, Terawan Agus Putranto in the episode #MataNajwaMenantiTerawan contain various figures, namely irony, repetition, paradox, allegory, and cynicism. From the five, it can be concluded that satirical figure of speech dominate Najwa Shihab's questions in the episode whose use is used to change a person's / target's behavior.Keywords: Najwa Shihab, MataNajwaMenantiTerawan, majas


First Monday ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Tynes

At first, the Proud Boys were a seemingly innocuous white boys club that sprouted from the banter and riffs of online talk show host, Gavin McInnes. But the far right group grew into a nation-wide white supremacist organization. The group came about, thanks to McInnes and his The Gavin McInnes Show (TGMS). The Proud Boys and Gavin McInnes are a prime case study of the problem of free speech and the Internet. Here we see hate speech hiding behind the protective cloak of free speech. The conundrum becomes: How do we deal with fascist politics in the democratic space of the internet? The study conducts a frame analysis of over 32 hours of TGMS, utilizing Stanley’s (2018) rubric of fascist politics. By analyzing McInnes’s online discourse — his hate machine — we obtain a deeper understanding of how fascist politics gently slides into the mainstream and becomes a threat to peaceful political action.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frode Heldal ◽  
Erlend Dehlin ◽  
Torild Alise Oddane

In this article, we sketch up an action research process designed to give voice to those who traditionally have not had a voice in organizations. In particular, the research process was structured around “serious play” and designed as a talk show, where researchers played parts, including a talk show host, and where questions pertaining to organizational life were discussed in depth. The structure of the discussion was construed based on reflective teams, i.e., two actors performing a dialogue (talk show host and guest) and a silent group (audience) as listeners. The key research question concerns in what ways such an action research process is replicable? Applying a critical lens, we argue that even if strong claims of replicability are not met, as in being able to reproduce results and/or generalize them, this is outside the point. Rather, as we set out to apply a qualitative research design to achieve cogenerative learning effects, we advance an understanding of replicability-as-recoverability. This entails giving explicit grounds for our epistemic anchoring in critical realism and sketching out a research design which is sufficiently clear and transparent to undergo critical scrutiny.


Author(s):  
Hiromi Narimatsu ◽  
Ryuichiro Higashinaka ◽  
Hiroaki Sugiyama ◽  
Masahiro Mizukami ◽  
Tsunehiro Arimoto
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zinoviia Karpenko

The paper is focused on the critical exploration of an experiment held in the Ukrainian media environment. Results of the experiment are reflected in the book Freedom of Speech Against Fear and Humiliation ... published by Savik Shuster, the Ukrainian political journalist and the Freedom of Speech TV talk show host. The study aims to define factors and predictors of the Ukrainian audience’s social behavior. In this regard, narrative, conversational, and intent analyses of his talk shows participants’ conflict interaction described in the book, were applied. These tools made it possible to explicate his narratives’ main topics, their prominence, role positions, archetypal patterns of the participant and host’s behavior. The narrative structure of “negative” scenarios of the talk shows described in the book enabled defining the host as the encourager of the speakers’ conflict behavior, high tension of their discourse that leads to deconstructing, discrediting, and demonizing the opponent’s political party image. Although S. Schuster's conclusions were full of dramatic statements and almost apocalyptic predictions, their reinterpretation was necessary. The application of F-test as a measure of testing statistical hypotheses relevant to empirical data, allowed to search for additional political and psychological explanatory models of the “emotional map of Ukraine”. Results of the study demonstrate hidden suggestion of hopelessness, feelings of betrayal, inspiration of protest moods,inspired by the speakers invited to the TV show. This adversely affects the critical understanding of current social processes along with radicalization of public sentiment by shifting the locus of control to the outside, when the audience invited to the show delegates responsibility for the state of affairs in the country and their own well-being to their political leaders.


2019 ◽  
pp. 088626051986819 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle R. Kaufman ◽  
Debangan Dey ◽  
Ciprian Crainiceanu ◽  
Mark Dredze

The #MeToo Movement has brought new attention to sexual harassment and assault. While the movement originates with activist Tarana Burke, actor Alyssa Milano used the phrase on Twitter in October 2017 in response to multiple sexual harassment allegations against Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Within 24 hours, 53,000 people tweeted comments and/or shared personal experiences of sexual violence. The study objective was to measure how information seeking via Google searches for sexual harassment and assault changed following Milano’s tweet and whether this change was sustained in spite of celebrity scandals. Weekly Google search inquiries in the United States were downloaded for the terms metoo, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual abuse, and rape for January 1, 2017 to July 15, 2018. Seven related news events about perpetrator accusations were considered. Results showed that searches for metoo increased dramatically after the Weinstein accusation and stayed high during subsequent accusations. A small decrease in searches followed, but the number remained very high relative to baseline (the period before the Weinstein accusation). Searches for sexual assault and sexual harassment increased substantially immediately following the Weinstein accusation, stayed high during subsequent accusations, and saw a decline after the accusation of Matt Lauer (talk show host; last event considered). We estimated a 40% to 70% reduction in searches 6 months after the Lauer accusation, though the increase in searches relative to baseline remained statistically significant. For sexual abuse and rape, the number of searches returned close to baseline by 6 months. It appears that the #MeToo movement sparked greater information seeking that was sustained beyond the associated events. Given its recent ubiquitous use in the media and public life, hashtag activism such as #MeToo can be used to draw further attention to the next steps in addressing sexual assault and harassment, moving public web inquiries from information seeking to action.


Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter focuses on Taufiq ʻUkasha, a talk-show host and minor parliamentarian in the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) before the revolution, re-created in the protracted state of antistructure after the fall of the regime as a “media personality” and advocate for a cult of Egyptian militarism. He became a primary spokesman for the counterrevolution, and ultimately a political force in his own right. ʻUkasha was often seen during his moment in the political limelight as an appendage of SCAF. He showed a remarkable ability to emerge onto the political stage at a particular moment—specifically, from near the end of 2011 until the rise of Sisi in the summer of 2013. But his political capacities depended crucially on a well-publicized “loose cannon” media persona. It was never likely that ʻUkasha would achieve meaningful power, but he does exemplify potentialities of revolutionary liminality not well captured by viewing a revolutionary situation as a theater in which contention occurs between established political actors. Ultimately, ʻUkasha emerged as a Trickster within the larger arc of the revolution.


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