economic regime
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2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Budniak-Rogala

This elaboration is an attempt to introduce an interpretation of former Art. 697 § 3 and 4 of the Civil Procedure Code regarding admissibility of concluding agreements for submitting disputes to an arbitration court by social economy entities. The analyzed provisions provided relevant limitations of the objective scope of admissibility of arbitration regarding said social economy entities – both in domestic and international transactions. It involved especially with the establishment of the State Economic Arbitral Institution. The solutions adopted by the legislator were undoubtedly the result of applying the principles of the socio-economic regime of the post-totalitarian Polish People’s Republic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 582-595
Author(s):  
A.D. Volkov ◽  
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S.V. Tishkov ◽  
P.V. Druzhinin ◽  
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...  

The article examines the Karelian Arctic region, formed due to the inclusion of a number of territories into the Russian Arctic. It provides a description of its geographical position and analyzes the dynamics of spatial development, the settlement system and mineral resource base, tourist, biological resource and fishery potential. The authors outline significant differentiation of the economic space of the region. They note that the natural resource and socio-economic potential is used extremely unevenly within the Arctic Karelia region. The authors reveal the decisive role of single-industry towns in the formation of trends in the spatial development of the region under study. Under existing conditions, they act as poles of economic growth and maintaining the population of the northern territories, with general trends of degradation of the settlement system and the aggravation of the sparseness of the economic space. The researchers analyze spatial localization of ongoing and planned investment projects in the region, determine and explain its regularities. The paper identifies the prerequisites for enhancing the economic development of the Belomorsk part of the Karelian Arctic, represented by two vectors: internal (from the existing economic centers within the region of the Karelian Arctic) and external (from the Murmansk and Arkhangelsk regions). The existing economic ties between the enterprises of the Belomorsk part of the Karelian Arctic, the Arkhangelsk and Murmansk regions, as well as a number of projects in the mining, fishery, tourism and logistics spheres represent a significant potential for the interdependent development of the Arctic regions. For a more complete use of the existing development potential in these conditions, it is necessary to transform the role of single-industry towns in the formation of the regional economic space by improving the special economic regime and introducing institutional innovations. Improving the special economic regime of the Russian Arctic is one of the priority mechanisms for diversifying mono-profile economies, transitioning to innovative growth models and involving depressed territories in economic development processes.


Modern Drama ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 458-477
Author(s):  
Noelia Diaz

This article situates Socavón (1999), a monologue by leading Argentine playwright Luis Cano, in terms of former Argentine President Carlos Menem’s (1989–99) economic policies in post-dictatorship Argentina, demonstrating how neoliberalism can be understood through the gendered shame and violence it produces. Shunted aside in Buenos Aires and haunted by its legions of desaparecidos, protagonist Ulisito desperately seeks throughout Socavón to regain his masculinity – as well as his personhood and his visibility – through aggression. I argue that Ulisito’s violence is a form of civil resistance, a reaction against a dehumanizing economic regime, as well as a critique of unresolved human rights issues haunting democratic Argentina. Cano draws on numerous dramatic and literary antecedents, including a play that is foundational to dramatic modernity, Georg Büchner’s Woyzeck, as blueprints for a contemporary crisis. Socavón suggests that unless a more equitable society is created, women in particular will continue to be the victims of a collapsed masculinity trying to reassert itself.


Author(s):  
Javier Callejo-Gallego

Blockchain technology was born with the bitcoin cryptocurrency and has been seen as a revolutionary technology since it became possible to design smart contracts and tokens based on it. It has been possible to export this innovation to the most diverse fields, including the culture and entertainment industry and media. However, and after six years of developing different models to incorporate blockchain into journalism, an integrated model to act as a reference in this field is still lacking. After analyzing and grouping the wide potential of blockchain in journalism into so-called regimes, this work points out both promising and failed projects in each of the three regimes proposed: registration, economic, and organizational. It is concluded that, despite the very interesting developments regarding the registration regime and intellectual property protection, on the one hand, and economic regime and tokenization, on the other, the inherent decentralized configuration of blockchain currently represents a large obstacle to the construction of an integrated model for its use in journalism. Resumen Desde que la tecnología nacida para la generación de la criptomoneda bitcoin, blockchain, incorporó la posibilidad de diseñar contratos inteligentes y tokens sobre la misma, se vio como una tecnología revolucionaria. De hecho, está, junto a la robótica y la inteligencia artificial, en el centro de la denominada cuarta revolución industrial. Una innovación capaz de ser llevada a los más diversos campos, entre los que destacaba la industria de la cultura y el entretenimiento en general y los medios de comunicación en particular. Es más, teniendo en cuenta la profunda crisis económica y de confianza que vive el ejercicio de la profesión periodística, se apuntaba como una prometedora alternativa a tener muy en cuenta. Sin embargo, tras seis años de probar con distintos modelos de incorporación de esta al ejercicio del periodismo, aún falta la referencia de un modelo capaz de integrar las capacidades derivadas de la misma en este campo. Parece que aún se está lejos de lo que podría considerarse un modelo blockchain en periodismo, de la misma manera que se está alcanzando en otras industrias o profesiones. En este artículo, tras analizar y agrupar esas potencialidades innovadoras en lo que se han denominado regímenes, se apuntan proyectos prometedores y proyectos fallidos en cada uno de ellos. Se concluye que, si bien se han dado desarrollos muy interesantes en lo que respecta a los regímenes de registro y protección de la propiedad intelectual, por un lado, y económico, a través de la tokenización, por otro lado, el gran obstáculo actualmente está en concretar la fórmula de la organización descentralizada. Un modelo de organización que se encuentra en el corazón de blockchain.


The objective of this study was two-fold, firstly, it analysed industrial development trends and deceleration across major Indian states since 1980-81 and, investigated industrial development in Punjab, a mineral resources deprived and a land-locked state. It was important as the policy changed at the national level in 1991 and removed various benefits for industrial development in mineralresources deprived regions and economically backward regions. To analyse the objective, both primary as well as secondary information was used. Findings of the study highlighted that industrial restructuring took place across major states in India during 1980-81 to 2017-18. In general, economically poor states and mineral resources deprived states witnessed the deceleration of the industrial sector. The position of the industrial sector in Punjab declined as compared to other states and compared to its past. The discussions with various stakeholders, including sampled industrial units, representatives of industrial associations, etc., highlighted various economic and non-economic factors behind the ongoing industrial deceleration in Punjab.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 4634
Author(s):  
Ravit Hananel

How do bills contribute to the promotion of housing rights? Is there a relation between the content of proposed bills and a country’s dominant political economy? Are changes in the political-economic regime reflected in housing-related bills? What type of bill is most likely to be enacted: a provision or a protection? These are the challenge of this study. The analysis is based on the theoretical classic distinction between “provisions” (positive rights) and “protections” (negative rights) from the realm of human rights, producing an empirical cumulative-aggregative analysis, which examines the scope and content of housing-related bills in the Israeli parliament since its establishment in 1948, until today. The research findings are counterintuitive, challenging the understanding that welfare regimes encourage extensive provisions, as opposed to neoliberal regimes that promote extensive protections. Given the current global housing affordability crisis, the research findings are relevant to many countries, parliaments, and organizations that are currently seeking to promote various housing rights.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefim Vogel ◽  
Julia K. Steinberger ◽  
Daniel W. O'Neill ◽  
William F. Lamb ◽  
Jaya Krishnakumar

<p>Meeting human needs at low levels of energy use is fundamental for avoiding catastrophic climate change and securing the well-being of all people. In the current international political-economic regime, no country does so.</p><p>Here, we assess which socio-economic conditions might enable societies to satisfy human needs at sustainable levels of energy use, and thus reconcile human well-being with ambitious climate mitigation. Applying a novel analytical framework and a novel regression-based moderation approach to data from 106 countries, we analyse how the relationship between energy use and six dimensions of human need satisfaction varies with a wide range of socio-economic factors relevant to the provisioning of goods and services (‘provisioning factors’).</p><p>We find that higher achievements in provisioning factors such as income equality, public service quality, democracy and electricity access are associated with greater need satisfaction and lower energy dependence of need satisfaction. Conversely, higher levels of economic growth and extractivism are associated with lower need satisfaction and greater energy dependence of need satisfaction. Our analysis suggests that countries with beneficial configurations of key provisioning factors are much more likely to reach high levels of need satisfaction at low(er) levels of energy use. Based on our statistical models, countries with highly beneficial configurations of several key provisioning factors could likely achieve sufficient need satisfaction within levels of energy use found compatible with limiting global warming to 1.5 °C without negative emissions technologies. Achieving this would be very unlikely for countries with detrimental provisioning configurations.</p><p>Improvements in relevant provisioning factors may thus be crucial for ending human deprivation in currently underproviding countries without exacerbating climate and ecological crises, and for tackling the ecological overshoot of currently needs-satisfying countries without compromising sufficient need satisfaction. However, as key pillars of the suggested changes in provisioning run contrary to the dominant political-economic regime, a broader political-economic transformation may be required to organise provisioning for the satisfaction of human needs within sustainable levels of energy use.</p><p>Our findings have important implications for climate mitigation, poverty eradication, development discourses, and efforts towards Sustainable Development Goals and socio-ecological transformation.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843102098689
Author(s):  
Pedro A. Teixeira

In keeping with the radical openness of his theory of democracy, Habermas avoided pre-determining the ideal mode of economic organization for his favoured model of deliberative democracy. Instead of attempting a full-blown derivation, in this article, I propose adapting the Rawlsian method of comparing different political–economic regimes as candidate applications of his theory of justice to Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy. Although both theorists are seen as endorsing liberal democratic world views, from the perspective of political economy, the corollary of their conceptions of democracy would arguably veer elsewhere: in Rawls’s case, into the territory of property-owning democracy or democratic socialism, and in Habermas’s, into any political–economic regime which guarantees the real exercise of full political and discursive liberties against the background of legitimate lawmaking. The ultimate aim of this article is to discuss whether a concrete conception of democratic socialism, if any, is compatible with Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy.


Significance The economic power of both Santa Cruz (Bolivia) and Guayaquil (Ecuador) has long had important and sometimes destabilising impacts on national politics. Ecuador and Bolivia are unusual in Latin America in the strength of regional political pressures. Impacts Regionalism will remain more confrontational in Bolivia than in Ecuador. Arce will broadly respect the economic autonomy of Santa Cruz and avoid confrontational policies such as land reform. A Lasso presidency in Ecuador would reassure the business community and strengthen a liberal economic regime.


ECONOMICS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-35
Author(s):  
Taro Abe

AbstractThis paper discusses the impact of unemployment compensation on the employment and wages of regular and non-regular labor in a dual-labor market. The model in this paper assumes an effective demand constraint and an imperfectly competitive market. The results obtained are as follows. An increase in unemployment compensation increases the wages of regular labor to maintain its productivity. However, this temporarily decreases the employment of regular labor, so that the productivity and wages of non-regular labor decrease. The result is an increase in the relative wage rate of regular labor and the relative amount of non-regular labor employed. This result is independent of any economic regime. In terms of the impact on employment volume, the existence of two regimes, one wage-driven and one profit-driven, is confirmed. However, the effect on employment is weaker if unemployment compensation is financed by taxing profits.


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