Government, Policy-Making and the Republican State

2011 ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
Helen Drake
Author(s):  
MARTIN GILENS ◽  
SHAWN PATTERSON ◽  
PAVIELLE HAINES

Abstract Despite a century of efforts to constrain money in American elections, there is little consensus on whether campaign finance regulations make any appreciable difference. Here we take advantage of a change in the campaign finance regulations of half of the U.S. states mandated by the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision. This exogenously imposed change in the regulation of independent expenditures provides an advance over the identification strategies used in most previous studies. Using a generalized synthetic control method, we find that after Citizens United, states that had previously banned independent corporate expenditures (and thus were “treated” by the decision) adopted more “corporate-friendly” policies on issues with broad effects on corporations’ welfare; we find no evidence of shifts on policies with little or no effect on corporate welfare. We conclude that even relatively narrow changes in campaign finance regulations can have a substantively meaningful influence on government policy making.


1973 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Vaison

Normally in political studies the term public policy is construed to encompass the societally binding directives issued by a society's legitimate government. We usually consider government, and only government, as being able to “authoritatively allocate values.” This common conception pervades the literature on government policy-making, so much so that it is hardly questioned by students and practitioners of political science. As this note attempts to demonstrate, some re-thinking seems to be in order. For purposes of analysis in the social sciences, this conceptualization of public policy tends to obscure important realities of modern corporate society and to restrict unnecessarily the study of policy-making. Public policy is held to be public simply and solely because it originates from a duly legitimated government, which in turn is held to have the authority (within specified limits) of formulating and implementing such policy. Public policy is public then, our usual thinking goes, because it is made by a body defined somewhat arbitrarily as “public”: a government or some branch of government. All other policy-making is seen as private; it is not public (and hence to lie essentially beyond the scope of the disciplines of poliitcal science and public administration) because it is duly arrived at by non-governmental bodies. Thus policy analysts lead us to believe that public policy is made only when a government body acts to consider some subject of concern, and that other organizations are not relevant to the study of public policy.


Author(s):  
Amidu Owolabi Ayeni

Policy refers to the commitment of people or organization to the laws, regulations, and other green mechanisms concerning environmental issues. Community participation has become important in government, policy makers, and environmentalists over last few decades, and as a result, it is now an established principle as it is widely used not only in academic literature but in policy-making documents, international discussions, as well as in local debates when considering issues dealing with decision-making to achieve sustainable development. Implementation of green policy and community participation programs through representatives—organization, groups of individuals—enhances the benefits of polices and program and adds value to policy as well as making the policy's results and responses more effective and stronger.


Author(s):  
Lise Butler

This chapter examines Young’s work as founding chair of the Social Science Research Council between 1965 and 1968 in the Labour government led by Harold Wilson. It describes how Young responded to increasing anxieties about the nature of planning and expertise in the British civil service by arguing that the social sciences should play a more prominent role in government policy making. The chapter focuses mainly on Young’s Committee on the Next Thirty Years, and his proposals for an Institute of Forecasting Studies, which he unsuccessfully sought to develop as part of a transnational forecasting movement with the support of foreign intellectuals such as the American sociologist Daniel Bell and the French futurologist Bertrand de Jouvenel. The chapter also discusses the intellectual networks associated with the popular social science journal New Society, showing that this group promoted libertarian and state-critical perspectives on urban planning, and radical economic ideas like negative income tax. While the Next Thirty Years Committee was short-lived, it reflected Young’s career-long conviction that public policy should be guided by interdisciplinary social science.


Author(s):  
Greg Flynn ◽  
Marguerite Marlin

Political parties and their members are often viewed as having limited impact on government policy choices. However, prior research shows that both sets of actors devote considerably more time and resources to policy-related activities than this view would suggest. We examine the policy capacity of parties and their members to influence policy-making in Canada over the course of the last decade. We focus on the ability of party members to have their policy wishes included in election campaign manifestos and the extent to which the 2008 and 2011 federal Conservative governments were able to fulfill their campaign commitments in a highly challenging policy capacity environment. Consistent with prior studies on previous Conservative and Liberal governments, this examination demonstrates that while governments face a number of influences on their policy choices, the policy wishes of party members and the election campaign policy commitments of parties have a significant influence.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 425-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Littlecott

It is often recognised that the UK benefits from positive technical advantages that could assist in the development and deployment of carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology, yet policy efforts to secure demonstration projects have faltered over recent years. This commentary article draws on practical experience of cross-sectoral cooperation to explore how different stakeholder interests have aligned in support of CCS, strengthening the case for UK action. A framework for considering stakeholder interests is set out, and informs an analysis of successive waves of government policy making. Implications for forthcoming policy developments are thereby identified.


The paper looks at the evolution of operational research in civil departments of the United Kingdom government against the growing realization in the post-war period of the value of numerate methods for the development of policy over a widening area of government activities. It discusses the thinking about such methods which lay behind the Plowden Report of 1961 and ‘Control of public expenditure’ and the Fulton Report of 1968 on ‘The Civil Service’. It acknowledges the contribution made by the Joint Conference with industrial and university representatives at Nuffield College, Oxford, in 1969. It traces the establishment of new operational research groups in the Treasury and the larger departments. Accounts are given of certain of the larger interdepartmental studies, including pioneering work on aspects of transport. An outline is suggested of the future application of operational research in civil administration, and of the problems to be overcome in securing the greatest possible advantage from it.


Author(s):  
Daniel Strobl ◽  
Hanna Bäck ◽  
Wolfgang C. Müller ◽  
Mariyana Angelova

AbstractThis article investigates whether governing parties strategically time austerity policies to help them win re-election. It contributes to existing research by focusing directly on government policy output, analyzing over 1,200 welfare and taxation austerity measures in thirteen Western European countries over twenty years. In line with previous research, the authors find that governments become less likely to introduce austerity measures as elections approach. The study introduces original hypotheses about which governments have theabilityandopportunityto strategically time policy decisions. The authors suggest that minimal winning cabinets with leadership change (new prime ministers) face less complex bargaining environments and can credibly shift responsibility for austerity measures to the preceding government. The empirical analyses show that these governments are most likely to strategically time austerity policies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shu-Ching Chen ◽  
Min Chen ◽  
Na Zhao ◽  
Shahid Hamid ◽  
Kasturi Chatterjee ◽  
...  

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