Qatar’s Military Power and Diplomacy: The Emerging Roles of Small States in International Relations

Author(s):  
Brahim Saidy
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Taufan Herdansyah Akbar ◽  
Agus Subagyo ◽  
Jusmalia Oktaviani

Realism is an approach and paradigm that is in international relations, Realism began to be debated during World War II (World War II) because of the failure of the League of Nations (LBB). LBB is the brainchild of idealists who are considered to have failed to prevent war and create peace. Realism existed even before the paradigm debate which was later called classical realism with one of its characters being Niccolo Machiavelly. Niccolo Maciavelly's style of realism emphasizes that human nature is egositically and creates an anarchic world. In this study the research team wanted to prove that what Niccolo Machiavelly delivered was not merely increasing military power merely to create peace, but negotiation and diplomacy methods were also instruments of the State in achieving its national interests in realism like Indonesia. The national interests of Indonesia are everything for Indonesian politicians and the existence and power of Indonesia is the goal of Indonesia's interests to avoid war. Therefore Indonesia must have played its role in the Asian-African Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement at that time as an instrument of achieving national interests in Realism. This research will use qualitative research methods with a historical approach. The results of this study provide answers that Realism is not merely militaristic but also a role as a rational actor.


OASIS ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Nancy E. Wright

Los Estados soberanos más pequeños del mun­do, que de hecho comprenden la mayoría de los Estados soberanos en todo el mundo, tie­nen mucho que enseñarnos sobre las diferentes interpretaciones del poder. La gran parte de los estudios de relaciones internacionales (ir) se han centrado tradicionalmente en el poder como control o coerción; sin embargo, el po­der también puede significar capacidad, que se logra a través de lo que este artículo identifica como agencia creativa. Aquí, la agencia crea­tiva se define como la capacidad de acuerdo con la forma en que uno interpreta el poder y los beneficios asociados con ese poder. Por lo tanto, ciertos componentes del poder, como la hegemonía regional o global, pueden no ser relevantes para la agencia creativa; por el contrario, una identidad cultural fuerte o una economía de nicho puede ser esencial. Este artículo divide los Estados pequeños en tres categorías: (1) 2 microestados, definidos aquí como Estados con poblaciones de menos de medio millón y/o un área no marítima de menos de 1,000 kilómetros cuadrados; (2) Estados con poblaciones de entre medio millón y un millón; y (3) Estados considerados peque­ños principalmente en relación con sus vecinos más grandes. Utiliza ejemplos de todas estas ca­tegorías para ilustrar el fenómeno de la agencia creativa con respecto a la formación del Estado y el tipo de gobierno y gobernanza. Debido a que el enfoque del artículo es la pedagogía, el texto incluye referencias a temas clave que los instructores pueden presentar con Estados pequeños, así como a trabajos representativos sobre Estados pequeños de ciencias políticas, derecho, historia y antropología


2006 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Thompson

AbstractThe modern state would be a crisis if consent to long-established sites of authoritative rule were breaking down, previously capable states were unable to command coercive power, and if the demands of international and supra-national institutions had enforceable claims against historically sovereign states. There is no general crisis of the modern state. The states of most developed countries are secure as sites of authoritative rule, and the military power commanded by the American state is unprecedented. However, the external sovereignty of many poor and small states is diminishing. The cause is not ‘globalization’ but the policies of the world's dominant state.


2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-271
Author(s):  
Zlatko Isakovic

Parallel to the economic strength, military power, political system communication ability, ideology and morals, the significant elements of the political power are also the territory and population. Studying the influence of the territories and population on the political power of states the author points to the direction the transformation of these two phenomena will take place within the changed conditions of contemporary international relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 261-284
Author(s):  
Petar Kurečić ◽  
Đana Luša

The authors examine the effect of membership of small states in regional economic organizations and integrations on the growth of GDP. The aim is to use cost-benefi t analysis to answer the question of whether small states, and also small economies, achieve greater economic growth through regional economic organizations and integrations than those small states that are not small economies. Small states, as the subjects of research work, have beenchosen precisely because of their size, here defi ned by quantitative criteria, but taking into account that relational criteria are very important for their positioning in international relations, such as greater exposure to external infl uences and their dependence on membership in regional economic organizations and integrations. The GDP of small states, in an attempt to answer the hypothesis, was followed for a period of twenty years. Characteristics thatdepend on regional affi liation of small states, as well as the similarities and differences between small states which are members of the same regional economic organizations/integrations, were also the subject of this paper.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Revecca Pedi ◽  
Katerina Sarri

AbstractAs the current international system is leaning towards multipolarity, small states face the danger of their influence being diminished and their interests being ignored. Small states in Europe and within the European Union might find themselves in such a predicament. In order to overcome it, they are in need of effective strategies. Literature on the international relations of small states suggests that, despite their limitations, small states are able to pursue their goals and succeed in the international system. Small state studies employ the ‘small but smart state’ concept for a small state that can maximize its influence. Despite being widely used, the latter lacks analytical value and remains a cliché. The objective of this article is to pin down the ‘small but smart’ state strategy and based on that to provide a comprehensive framework for the analysis and the design of effective small state strategies. We suggest that the ‘small but smart’ state strategy shares many elements with the entrepreneurial action, as the latter is extended from its business origins to include a specific strategy. We draw on the field of entrepreneurship to explore the ways it can enhance our understanding of the international relations of small states and we introduce a framework for the ‘small and entrepreneurial state’ strategy. The notion of the ‘small and entrepreneurial state’ adds more depth and rigor into our small state analyses as well as reinvigorates a fragmented and repetitive literature. Last but not least, our ‘small and entrepreneurial state’ approach can be of use for both small state scholars and policy makers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-230
Author(s):  
Muhammad Arif Prabowo

A China-Japan grim relationship has been marked by conflicts, and other political security tensions for a long time. One of which is the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute occurring since 2012, it will become an issue for both countries that is difficult to be ironed out. The dispute has occurred since the Japanese government nationalized the islets, which China also claimed. It led to both countries' expansion of military power and a clash in East Asia. This essay aims to analyze how Japan perceives China by focusing on the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute. This article argues Japan perceives China as a threat due to China’s military penetration over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands leading to a strategic distrust of Japan and its uncertain behavior as an international relations actor led to a moral distrust of Japan. This phenomenon will likely raise the tension in the region and enhance the escalation possibility due to the security dilemma effect.


Author(s):  
Keisuke Iida

The linkages between security and economics are complex and have been discussed in the literature of various fields, thus defying simple classification and integration. This chapter presents a taxonomy that divides various topics into two sets of policies: policies pertaining to military power and those related to bargaining power. For example, defense spending and burden sharing in alliance, which are standard topics in the economics of defense, are categorized under the first set of policies. Export controls, which are usually discussed in entirely different contexts, are also categorized under this set. On the other hand, economic sanctions, which are a standard fare in international relations, are categorized under the second set of policies. This chapter presents the argument that security crises and dual-use technologies tie both sets of policies together. By seeking greater autonomy, Japan is engaging in a severe trade-off between strengthening their military forces and bargaining power and other foreign and economic policy objectives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-56
Author(s):  
Abdelraouf Mostafa Galal

Purpose This paper aims to examine the hypotheses of main international theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism) and the development of these theories toward the behavior of foreign policy of small states in the developing world. The theories of international relations, especially the realistic theory, face a theoretical debate and a fundamental criticism. The hypotheses of these theories are not able to explain the external behavior of some small states, especially those in the developing world such as Qatar. In particular, these small states do not have the elements of physical power through which they can play this role. However, they are based on the internal determinants (such as political leadership and the variable of perception) and non-physical dimensions of power to play an effective and influential external role. Design/methodology/approach This topic sheds light on the hypotheses of theories of main international relations, which explain the behavior of foreign policy of small states. This is due to the increased number of such states after the disintegration of Soviet Union, the practice of some countries an effective foreign role and the transformation of the concept of power from the hard power to soft power, and then to smart power Findings The theories of international relations, especially the realistic theory, face a theoretical debate and a fundamental criticism. The hypotheses of these theories are not able to explain the external behavior of some small states, especially those in the developing world such as Qatar. In particular, these small states do not have the elements of physical power through which they can play this role. However, they are based on the internal determinants (such as political leadership and the variable of perception) and non-physical dimensions of power to play an effective and influential external role. Originality/value The importance of the study comes from its interest in small countries in general and the Qatar situation in particular. The small country emerged as a player independent of the Gulf Cooperation Council, unlike what prevailed before, which led to the discussion of a regional role for Qatar despite its small power compared to the strength and size of other factions in the region such as Turkey, Israel and Iran.


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