Using Mass and Pop Culture to Dominate Political Discourse: How the Left-Wing Party Podemos Conquered Spanish Living-Rooms with IKEA

Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert
MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estelle Paquay

Since 2009, the rise of the most important Belgian Francophone left-wing populist party, i.e. the Parti du Travail de Belgique (PTB), has been increasingly seen as a challenge for mainstream parties. Given the lack of research on Belgium within the field of political left-populist discourse, this paper analyses the effect of the growing popularity of the left-populist party on mainstream parties’ discourse. To investigate this issue, a discourse analysis has been conducted following the Modified Spatial Theory which argues that, when triggered, mainstream parties choose between three different strategies (accommodative, dismissive, or adversarial) to respond to the rise of populism. The findings show that, the rise of the PTB has had more effect on the Socialist Party’s discourse, which has accommodated and converged with the PTB on several typically populist issues, while the other two mainstream parties have rather dismissed and tried to discredit the political discourse of the PTB.


Author(s):  
Emilia Smolak Lozano ◽  
Atsuho Nakayama

Twitter has become a powerful tool of political communication, that now plays a significant role during elections, especially in countries such as Spain, where use of digital media is extended widely throughout society. Digital democracy is based to a significant extent on the quality of public discourse and persuasion implemented in the digital messages contained in tweets. Text mining methods applied to tweets during the 2019 European elections made it possible to examine content, frequently used keywords and expressions, sentiment and tone of the political discourse of the main Spanish political parties. The objective of the analysis is to determine the scope and thematic focus of the political discourse on Twitter and make an inter-party comparison. The results reveal that Spanish politics were a much bigger focus than the European perspective and the social outlook pursued by the left wing turned out to be more visible than other proposals. Fragmentised discourse in the case of the populist parties focused on concrete problems to be resolved, whereas the main approach of Twitter politics was the fight against right-wing rivals. It is possible to conclude rather low maturity in terms of democratic public discourse with the high persuasive components integrated within tweets and a self-appraising attitude.


1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 186-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson

During the 1920s and 30s, several left-wing theatre movements developed in Britain, committed to creating a political discourse in venues and forms unknown within the existing cultural mainstream. Such organizations as The Workers′ Theatre Movement, Unity Theatre and Theatre of Action were all–to a greater or lesser extent–resolutely oppositional to the Establishment and outside the jurisdiction of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of censorship. In the early 40s the situation changed, as individuals and theatrical forms previously associated with the Left were adopted by the Establishment, most notably through ENSA and the BBC.


Author(s):  
Julia Trzcińska ◽  

The article explores the political viewpoints of Polish K-Pop fans that have been dragged into political discourse in Poland and strongly associated with left-wing ideology. It demonstrates the popularity of K-Pop and Poland and provides background information on why and how its fandom has been seen as an active political force. The research was based on a survey with fans themselves, sharing what was important for them, but also on observation of Polish Facebook groups devoted to K-Pop. An important task of this paper is to discuss the findings in light of the notion of youth political participation and civic engagement.


Author(s):  
Olivier Jutel

The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.  


Author(s):  
Zhanna Nikonova ◽  
◽  
Valery Bukharov ◽  
Inna Yastremskaya ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.


Author(s):  
D. V. SHMELEV

The article studies the phenomenon of left populism in Western  Europe. On the example of France, the author examines the specifics  and historical origins of left populism, its ideas and  slogans, electoral technologies, factors of presence on the political  scene. The author focuses on the political activities of Jean-Luc  Mélenchon, his election campaign for the presidential and  parliamentary elections in 2017 in France. The article considers the  key stages of Mélenchon’s political career, the features of his political discourse and program, the creation of the Left front, the conditions for the rise and the specifics of left populism in France.  Among the specific features of French left populism, anti-elitism,  antisystem, egalitarianism and the demand for social justice,  pacifism and criticism of the neoliberal version of globalization are  highlighted. The author believes that the rise of left populism in  France has led to significant changes in the balance of political forces during the presidential and parliamentary campaigns of spring  and summer of 2017, putting it to the forefront of political  struggle. In the light of the evolution of the political situation in  France, the article analyzes Mélenchon’s subsequent activities  related to his position around the debate on the reform of labor  legislation, social protests in autumn 2017 and spring 2018, relations with other left-wing parties and movements, structural  changes within the “La France insoumise”. The article emphasizes the undeniable leadership of the Mélenchon movement  among the far left organizations; it is noted that the preservation of the horizontal structures of “La France insoumise” (social networks,  Autonomous initiatives, activism), media strategy, the specifics of  political discourse and appeal to different layers of the electorate,  participation in social protests allow us to talk about the French left  populism and Mélenchon as the main political rival of President Macron.


Author(s):  
Michael Dooley

This chapter includes a 1990 review of High and Low: Modern Art, Popular Culture by graphic design journalist Michael Dooley. His critique of the exhibit as seen in Los Angeles: “The show failed, and not simply by the standards of right- and left-wing axe-grinders. More importantly, and sadder still, it failed on its own terms. The show’s attendees never arrived at an interchange; instead, they were stuck on a one-way drive up the high road.” This chapter discusses specific works of art, comics, and advertising and contains an overview of the surrounding art world politics. Images: 2 exhibit photos (MoMA), 3 ads referencing pop culture.  This chapter also includes the essay “My Way along the High Way.” This is a 2017 essay by graphic design journalist Michael Dooley, written as an afterword to his 1990 article "High Way Robbery” about High and Low: Modern Art, Popular Culture and its legacy. This afterword discusses ongoing interaction between pop culture and fine art, specifically Jeff Koons, Ed Ruscha, R. Crumb, Harvey Kurtzman, Art Spiegelman, and the exhibition Masters of American Comics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 171-187
Author(s):  
Łukasz Młyńczyk

The conflict between science and the belief in political and ideological consensus on global warming This article provides an analysis of conflict between scientific attitude and ideological belief. The consen­sus on global warming has excluding from Popper’s falsifiability. The same issue concerns verification and confirmation on global warming hypothesis. Only three out of a hundred scientists calls into question the theory of climate catastrophe. We don’t know if this theory is false, because climatologists and politicians did not accept independent research on global warming. Reduce CO2 emission is dogma of Left-wing politics. The natural sciences are included in the political discourse area. The global warming is a part of ideology and draws people into the area of policy actions


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document