K-Pop Fandom as a Left-Wing Political Force? The Case of Poland

Author(s):  
Julia Trzcińska ◽  

The article explores the political viewpoints of Polish K-Pop fans that have been dragged into political discourse in Poland and strongly associated with left-wing ideology. It demonstrates the popularity of K-Pop and Poland and provides background information on why and how its fandom has been seen as an active political force. The research was based on a survey with fans themselves, sharing what was important for them, but also on observation of Polish Facebook groups devoted to K-Pop. An important task of this paper is to discuss the findings in light of the notion of youth political participation and civic engagement.

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Shi Wen

<p align="LEFT">Under the research framework of Pragma-</p><p align="LEFT">Dialectics, this paper analyses and evaluates the</p><p align="LEFT">former United State trade representative Ron</p><p align="LEFT">Kirk’s remarks on the trade conflict of poultry.</p><p align="LEFT">Through this case study, I intend to develop a</p><p align="LEFT">pragma-dialectical approach to the political</p><p align="LEFT">discourse. Based on the argumentative</p><p align="LEFT">reconstruction, strategic maneuvering analysis</p><p align="LEFT">and critical evaluation of the remarks, this</p><p align="LEFT">paper finds that even if Ron Kirk’s remarks look</p><p align="LEFT">reasonable apparently, there are still some</p><p align="LEFT">fallacies hidden in them. In order to make the</p><p align="LEFT">US government benefit most from the trade</p><p align="LEFT">conflict, after considering comprehensively of</p><p align="LEFT">the potential topics, audience demands, and</p><p align="LEFT">presentational devices, Ron Kirk maneuvers</p><p align="LEFT">strategically by choosing beneficial starting</p><p>points and arranging argumentative schemes</p><p align="LEFT">technically. By doing so, he can transmit Anti-</p><p align="LEFT">China ideology to the international society</p><p align="LEFT">imperceptibly. In addition, by taking into</p><p align="LEFT">consideration the background information of</p><p align="LEFT">the poultry case and the Ten Commandments of</p><p align="LEFT">a critical discussion, this paper reveals that, the</p><p align="LEFT">accepted starting points and the argument</p><p align="LEFT">schemes are abused in Ron Kirk’s remarks.</p><p align="LEFT">Through the case study, this paper tries to study</p><p align="LEFT">political discourse from Pragma-Dialectical</p><p align="LEFT">approach and provide feasible analytical</p><p align="LEFT">methods and reasonable evaluative standards</p><p align="LEFT">for the political discourse analysis, so that a</p><p align="LEFT">new perspective will be offered for researches</p><p>on political discourse.</p>


MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estelle Paquay

Since 2009, the rise of the most important Belgian Francophone left-wing populist party, i.e. the Parti du Travail de Belgique (PTB), has been increasingly seen as a challenge for mainstream parties. Given the lack of research on Belgium within the field of political left-populist discourse, this paper analyses the effect of the growing popularity of the left-populist party on mainstream parties’ discourse. To investigate this issue, a discourse analysis has been conducted following the Modified Spatial Theory which argues that, when triggered, mainstream parties choose between three different strategies (accommodative, dismissive, or adversarial) to respond to the rise of populism. The findings show that, the rise of the PTB has had more effect on the Socialist Party’s discourse, which has accommodated and converged with the PTB on several typically populist issues, while the other two mainstream parties have rather dismissed and tried to discredit the political discourse of the PTB.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Henn ◽  
Mark Weinstein ◽  
Sarah Hodgkinson

Only 37 per cent of young people voted at the 2005 British General Election, seemingly confirming the oft-cited view that this generation is becoming increasingly disconnected from the political process. Results from a nationwide survey, however, indicate that their withdrawal from formal politics is more a result of their scepticism of the way the political system operates, than apathy. Furthermore, they are diverse in their political (dis)engagement. Results from an examination of the relative effects of socio-economic location and social capital are inconclusive, although the data indicate that government social policy aimed at mobilising social capital and addressing socio-economic issues may increase civic engagement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (S1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Boby John ◽  
John Joseph Kennedy

Civic engagement has traditionally been considered a much desired trait of good citizenship. Many researches in the past few decades have treated civic engagement level as one of the variables to measure political participation. Since active and constructive political participation of the citizenry is at the very heart of democracy, inculcating passion towards civic engagement positively helps to augment the political participation level of people. This paper makes a measurement the social media use level of college students in Kerala, categorizing the frequency of use as low, medium and high. The civic engagement level of these same students is then measured to examine the relationship between social media use and civic engagement level of students. The study can contribute insights to social media managers, academicians and policy makers towards effective use of social media for civic engagement enhancement resulting in greater political participation. The study also examines the truth of the argument that online activists are not as much passionate about civic issues when offline. A reality check on this can throw open interesting results on the political behaviour of present day youngsters.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 737-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Allen Beck ◽  
M. Kent Jennings

Analysis of complementary data sets, a 1965–1973 panel study of young adults and their parents and the 1956–1976 Michigan presidential election series, shows that the late 1960s and early 1970s were a deviant period where participation in American politics was concerned. During this time, the young were more active politically than their elders, substantially increasing their participation from previous years, and Americans on the ideological left participated more than those at other positions along the ideological continuum. While this surge of left-wing activism was not restricted to the young, it probably accounts for the relative participation advantage enjoyed by the young. These findings challenge the “conventional wisdom” about patterns of participation in America. They are best explained by recognizing that the opportunities for political action among the American citizenry are not fixed, but instead vary with changes in the political stimuli across different periods.


2004 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 1108-1109
Author(s):  
Agnes S. Ku

Buttressed by local scholarship, the conventional understanding of Hong Kong's political culture has long dwelt on the notions of apathy and indifference. Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong advances an interesting and provocative thesis to refute the conventional claim by taking readers through a historical journey of Hong Kong's major conflict events between 1949 and 1979. The author ambitiously seeks to engage in a critical evaluation of the conventional theses, especially that by Siu-kai Lau in the 1980s. Lau's idea of utilitarian familism, which is much cited in Hong Kong studies, provides an explanation of political apathy that locates the causes in the wider culture as well as in weak state-society relations. Questioning Lau's thesis on strong methodological, conceptual and empirical grounds, the author aims to present an alternative reading of Hong Kong politics, which she captures well in the subtitle: the paradox of activism and depoliticization.Contrary to Lau, the author argues that political participation was neither minimal nor simply utilitarian. She broadens the conception of political participation to include political acts targeted at the local government, the Chinese government and private institutions; discursive activities through the press; and politically relevant activities via social organizations and social movements. Using a multiple-case interpretive approach, she draws on 13 events as case studies and analyses them in terms of their scale, intensity, publicity, significance and ideological claims. The author maintains that all of the events were “impressive” and were “part of larger movements that persisted over a number of decades and that were sustained by the particular nature of society and politics at that time” (p. 229). These testify to the existence of significant levels of political activism. Adding a twist to her argument, the author further maintains that a culture of depoliticization existed side by side with political activism, which functioned to check left-wing activism in the context of Cold War and Chinese politics.


Author(s):  
Emilia Smolak Lozano ◽  
Atsuho Nakayama

Twitter has become a powerful tool of political communication, that now plays a significant role during elections, especially in countries such as Spain, where use of digital media is extended widely throughout society. Digital democracy is based to a significant extent on the quality of public discourse and persuasion implemented in the digital messages contained in tweets. Text mining methods applied to tweets during the 2019 European elections made it possible to examine content, frequently used keywords and expressions, sentiment and tone of the political discourse of the main Spanish political parties. The objective of the analysis is to determine the scope and thematic focus of the political discourse on Twitter and make an inter-party comparison. The results reveal that Spanish politics were a much bigger focus than the European perspective and the social outlook pursued by the left wing turned out to be more visible than other proposals. Fragmentised discourse in the case of the populist parties focused on concrete problems to be resolved, whereas the main approach of Twitter politics was the fight against right-wing rivals. It is possible to conclude rather low maturity in terms of democratic public discourse with the high persuasive components integrated within tweets and a self-appraising attitude.


Author(s):  
Zhanna Nikonova ◽  
◽  
Valery Bukharov ◽  
Inna Yastremskaya ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.


Author(s):  
D. V. SHMELEV

The article studies the phenomenon of left populism in Western  Europe. On the example of France, the author examines the specifics  and historical origins of left populism, its ideas and  slogans, electoral technologies, factors of presence on the political  scene. The author focuses on the political activities of Jean-Luc  Mélenchon, his election campaign for the presidential and  parliamentary elections in 2017 in France. The article considers the  key stages of Mélenchon’s political career, the features of his political discourse and program, the creation of the Left front, the conditions for the rise and the specifics of left populism in France.  Among the specific features of French left populism, anti-elitism,  antisystem, egalitarianism and the demand for social justice,  pacifism and criticism of the neoliberal version of globalization are  highlighted. The author believes that the rise of left populism in  France has led to significant changes in the balance of political forces during the presidential and parliamentary campaigns of spring  and summer of 2017, putting it to the forefront of political  struggle. In the light of the evolution of the political situation in  France, the article analyzes Mélenchon’s subsequent activities  related to his position around the debate on the reform of labor  legislation, social protests in autumn 2017 and spring 2018, relations with other left-wing parties and movements, structural  changes within the “La France insoumise”. The article emphasizes the undeniable leadership of the Mélenchon movement  among the far left organizations; it is noted that the preservation of the horizontal structures of “La France insoumise” (social networks,  Autonomous initiatives, activism), media strategy, the specifics of  political discourse and appeal to different layers of the electorate,  participation in social protests allow us to talk about the French left  populism and Mélenchon as the main political rival of President Macron.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 171-187
Author(s):  
Łukasz Młyńczyk

The conflict between science and the belief in political and ideological consensus on global warming This article provides an analysis of conflict between scientific attitude and ideological belief. The consen­sus on global warming has excluding from Popper’s falsifiability. The same issue concerns verification and confirmation on global warming hypothesis. Only three out of a hundred scientists calls into question the theory of climate catastrophe. We don’t know if this theory is false, because climatologists and politicians did not accept independent research on global warming. Reduce CO2 emission is dogma of Left-wing politics. The natural sciences are included in the political discourse area. The global warming is a part of ideology and draws people into the area of policy actions


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