scholarly journals Konflikt pomiędzy nauką a wiarą w polityczno-ideologiczny konsensus w sprawie globalnego ocieplenia

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 171-187
Author(s):  
Łukasz Młyńczyk
Keyword(s):  
Global Warming ◽  
Co2 Emission ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Natural Sciences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Scientific Attitude ◽  
Independent Research

The conflict between science and the belief in political and ideological consensus on global warming This article provides an analysis of conflict between scientific attitude and ideological belief. The consen­sus on global warming has excluding from Popper’s falsifiability. The same issue concerns verification and confirmation on global warming hypothesis. Only three out of a hundred scientists calls into question the theory of climate catastrophe. We don’t know if this theory is false, because climatologists and politicians did not accept independent research on global warming. Reduce CO2 emission is dogma of Left-wing politics. The natural sciences are included in the political discourse area. The global warming is a part of ideology and draws people into the area of policy actions

scholarly journals Left-wing populist discourse in Belgium: The effect of the rise of the Parti du Travail de Belgique on mainstream parties

MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estelle Paquay
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Spatial Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Populist Party

Since 2009, the rise of the most important Belgian Francophone left-wing populist party, i.e. the Parti du Travail de Belgique (PTB), has been increasingly seen as a challenge for mainstream parties. Given the lack of research on Belgium within the field of political left-populist discourse, this paper analyses the effect of the growing popularity of the left-populist party on mainstream parties’ discourse. To investigate this issue, a discourse analysis has been conducted following the Modified Spatial Theory which argues that, when triggered, mainstream parties choose between three different strategies (accommodative, dismissive, or adversarial) to respond to the rise of populism. The findings show that, the rise of the PTB has had more effect on the Socialist Party’s discourse, which has accommodated and converged with the PTB on several typically populist issues, while the other two mainstream parties have rather dismissed and tried to discredit the political discourse of the PTB.

scholarly journals Text-Mining Approach to Political Communication on Twitter: The Analysis of the Discourse of Spain’s Principal Political Parties During the European Parliament Elections in 2019

2021 ◽  
pp. 231-270
Author(s):  
Emilia Smolak Lozano ◽  
Atsuho Nakayama
Keyword(s):  
Text Mining ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
European Elections ◽  
European Parliament Elections

Twitter has become a powerful tool of political communication, that now plays a significant role during elections, especially in countries such as Spain, where use of digital media is extended widely throughout society. Digital democracy is based to a significant extent on the quality of public discourse and persuasion implemented in the digital messages contained in tweets. Text mining methods applied to tweets during the 2019 European elections made it possible to examine content, frequently used keywords and expressions, sentiment and tone of the political discourse of the main Spanish political parties. The objective of the analysis is to determine the scope and thematic focus of the political discourse on Twitter and make an inter-party comparison. The results reveal that Spanish politics were a much bigger focus than the European perspective and the social outlook pursued by the left wing turned out to be more visible than other proposals. Fragmentised discourse in the case of the populist parties focused on concrete problems to be resolved, whereas the main approach of Twitter politics was the fight against right-wing rivals. It is possible to conclude rather low maturity in terms of democratic public discourse with the high persuasive components integrated within tweets and a self-appraising attitude.

K-Pop Fandom as a Left-Wing Political Force? The Case of Poland

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (34) ◽  
pp. 119-142
Author(s):  
Julia Trzcińska ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Important Task ◽  
Background Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Force

The article explores the political viewpoints of Polish K-Pop fans that have been dragged into political discourse in Poland and strongly associated with left-wing ideology. It demonstrates the popularity of K-Pop and Poland and provides background information on why and how its fandom has been seen as an active political force. The research was based on a survey with fans themselves, sharing what was important for them, but also on observation of Polish Facebook groups devoted to K-Pop. An important task of this paper is to discuss the findings in light of the notion of youth political participation and civic engagement.

scholarly journals Political Coloring of Adjectives in German Political Discourse

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Zhanna Nikonova ◽  
◽  
Valery Bukharov ◽  
Inna Yastremskaya ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Environmental Influence ◽  
Semantic Space ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
German Studies ◽  
Color Code ◽  
Basic Color

The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.

scholarly journals Left-wing populism in Western countries. The Phenomenon of J.-L. Mélenchon

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
D. V. SHMELEV
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Labor Legislation ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
Left Front

The article studies the phenomenon of left populism in Western  Europe. On the example of France, the author examines the specifics  and historical origins of left populism, its ideas and  slogans, electoral technologies, factors of presence on the political  scene. The author focuses on the political activities of Jean-Luc  Mélenchon, his election campaign for the presidential and  parliamentary elections in 2017 in France. The article considers the  key stages of Mélenchon’s political career, the features of his political discourse and program, the creation of the Left front, the conditions for the rise and the specifics of left populism in France.  Among the specific features of French left populism, anti-elitism,  antisystem, egalitarianism and the demand for social justice,  pacifism and criticism of the neoliberal version of globalization are  highlighted. The author believes that the rise of left populism in  France has led to significant changes in the balance of political forces during the presidential and parliamentary campaigns of spring  and summer of 2017, putting it to the forefront of political  struggle. In the light of the evolution of the political situation in  France, the article analyzes Mélenchon’s subsequent activities  related to his position around the debate on the reform of labor  legislation, social protests in autumn 2017 and spring 2018, relations with other left-wing parties and movements, structural  changes within the “La France insoumise”. The article emphasizes the undeniable leadership of the Mélenchon movement  among the far left organizations; it is noted that the preservation of the horizontal structures of “La France insoumise” (social networks,  Autonomous initiatives, activism), media strategy, the specifics of  political discourse and appeal to different layers of the electorate,  participation in social protests allow us to talk about the French left  populism and Mélenchon as the main political rival of President Macron.

“I'd make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented”: Discourse of Law in Ben Jonson's Catiline His Conspiracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Gunpowder Plot ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Legal Procedures ◽  
The Way

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

Police Department and Slavophil Political Discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Police Department ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.

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