scholarly journals Affective Media, Cyberlibertarianism and the New Zealand Internet Party

Author(s):  
Olivier Jutel

The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.  

Author(s):  
О. Kravchenko

The article highlights the social and political conditions under which the proletarian educational organizations of the 1920s functioned in the context of nationality issue, namely the study of political frameworks determining the status of the Ukrainian language and culture in Ukraine. The nationality issue became crucial in Proletkult activities – a proletarian cultural, educational and literary organization in the structure of People's Commissariat, the aim of which was a broad and comprehensive development of the proletarian culture created by the working class. Unlike Russia, Proletkult's organizations in Ukraine were not significantly spread and ceased to exist due to the fact that the national language and culture were not taken into account and the contact with the peasants and indigenous people of nonproletarian origin was limited.


SEEU Review ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 250-270
Author(s):  
Srđan Mladenov Jovanović ◽  
Richard J. Cook

Abstract The Serbian Orthodox Church has been described in scholarship as having had a significant impact onto the social and political life of Serbia, especially since the wars of the nineties. With the coming of the age of the Internet and social science automation, however, more options have gradually become available to researchers in the recent years. For this reason, this article will tackle the official rhetoric of the Serbian Orthodox Church in relation to the sociopolitical with the assistance of social science automation. Forming an examination via the methodological lens of Operational Code Analysis, this article delves into the Church’s discourse on Kosovo, via heavy vetting of all official statements given on the website of the Serbian Orthodox Church. It also expands upon the initial methodology – Operational Code Analysis – to an analysis of an institution with a uniform discourse, which has so far not seen light in scholarly production.


Author(s):  
Nunzio Pernicone ◽  
Fraser M. Ottanelli

Italian anarchists compiled a formidable record of political assassinations during the 1890s: President Marie François Sadi Carnot of France was killed by Santo Caserio in 1894; Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo of Spain by Michele Angiolillo in 1897; Empress Elizabeth of Austria by Luigi Luccheni in 1898; and King Umberto I of Italy by Gaetano Bresci in 1900. No less important were the unsuccessful assassination attempts committed during the same decade: Paolo Lega against Italian Prime Minister Francesco Crispi in 1894; and Pietro Acciarito against King Umberto in 1897. This book, through a specific focus on attentats along with attempted and successful acts of political assassination, provides a full-length study of the historical, economic, social, cultural and political conditions, the social conflicts and left-wing politics along with the transnational experiences in Italy, France, Spain, Switzerland and the United States that led to Italian anarchist violence at the end of the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Galina Miazhevich ◽  
Mariëlle Wijermars ◽  
Elena Gapova ◽  
Vera Zvereva

In the years that have passed since the social media powered protest movement of 2011-2012, the Russian government has dramatically expanded its restrictions on the Internet, while simultaneously consolidating its grip on traditional media. The Internet, which long provided a space for alternative media and free speech to blossom, is becoming increasingly restricted by a growing corpus of legislation and expanding state surveillance. With legally ill-defined prohibitions on, e.g., offending the feelings of religious believers, propagating 'non-traditional family values' and disseminating 'extremism' in place, online freedom of speech in Russia is at threat. Meanwhile, the Russian state continues to refine its skills in covertly manipulating online discourses, as it has quite successfully practiced it since the 2000s. Yet, because of its transnational configuration, the Internet continues to evade comprehensive state control and offers ever new opportunities for disseminating and consuming dissenting opinions. Developments over the past year, including the series of anti-corruption mass protests organised by opposition leader Aleksei Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation, have demonstrated how online challenges to the status-quo are still able to gather momentum and create 'real world' political turbulence. The panel presents a multifaceted investigation of how the Russian-language segment of the Internet, often dubbed Runet, is shaped by and gives shape to online politics and activism. How should we understand the particular complexities of these contestations between an increasingly authoritarian state and its citizens? How are these processes facilitated or hampered by the infrastructural conditions created by national and global media industries and internet companies?


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Gizela Horváth ◽  
Rozália Klára Bakó

Technical reproduction in general, and photography in particular have changed the status and practices of art. Similarly, the expansion of Web 2.0 interactive spaces presents opportunities and challenges to artistic communities. Present study focuses on artistic activism: socially sensitive artists publish their creation on the internet on its most interactive space – social media. These artworks carry both artistic and social messages. Such practices force us to reinterpret some elements of the classical art paradigm: its autonomy, authorship, uniqueness (as opposed to copies and series), and the social role of art. The analysis is aimed at Hungarian and Romanian online artistic projects from Transylvania region of Romania, relevant as intercultural communication endeavours. Our research question is the way they differ from the traditional artistic paradigm.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Michael Woodhams

Metaphor plays a prominent role in political rhetoric, often used to simplify complex issues and encourage familiarity with various topics (Mio, 1997). Its persuasive and manipulative uses in political discourse are also well documented (Charteris-Black, 2005). Studies of political discourse based on Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) Conceptual Metaphor Theory are numerous; however, little metaphor research has been completed in the New Zealand political context. Theexploratory study outlined in this paper addresses this need through an investigation of the metaphorical representation of social welfare and its beneficiaries in New Zealand political discourse. A corpus of texts is collected and analysed using the Metaphor Identification Procedure(MIP) (Pragglejaz Group, 2007), and corpus-wide patterns are refined into a systematic metaphor framework (Cameron, 2008). Journeymetaphors, being the most frequent example of figurative language identified, are held to be central to the language of reform in New Zealand, supported primarily by metaphorsof mobility and health. The goal of the Government’s reform journey is identified as a state of employment, and barriers to arrival at this destination are framed as mobility and health issues. Such metaphorsare considered discriminatory, portraying beneficiaries and the social welfare system in a particularly negative light.


Author(s):  
Amanda Moore McBride

Civic engagement is the backbone of the social work profession. Through our civic mission, we have long organized and empowered citizens in common pursuits to address social, economic, and political conditions. In the United States, the status of social and political engagement is of heightened concern, particularly as emerging research demonstrates a range of effects. The challenge for social work is to increase the capacity of the nonprofit sector to promote and maximize engagement, especially among low-income and low-wealth individuals, through theory-driven, evidence-based interventions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 495-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Fetzer ◽  
Elda Weizman

This article examines the discursive construction of ordinariness in the context of mediated political discourse, considering in particular contexts, in which ‘non-ordinary speakers’ quote ordinary people, bring them into the mediated public arena and assign them and their quoted contributions the status of an object of talk, and in which ‘ordinary speakers’ follow up on the ‘brought-in-ordinariness’. The contexts under investigation are Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) transmitted in the social media and commenters’ posts on the exchanges between the Prime Minister’s and Leader of the Opposition’s bringing-in-ordinariness. The Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition treat the ‘brought-in-ordinariness’ in an ordinary manner by naming quoter and quoted and providing responses to the quoted questions while accommodating the political elite in their contributions; some of the ordinary commenters take up the ‘brought-in-ordinariness’ by negotiating its perlocutionary effects with evaluative metacomments. The ‘brought-in-ordinariness’ receives various kinds of uptakes, ranging from enthusiastic responses hailing true democracy to negative responses criticizing the non-professional manner of doing politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Ali Al-Momani

Based on the critical discourse analysis theory, the main purpose of this study is to highlight the social and psychological dimensions of the political discourse of Jordan through analyzing king Abdullah’s address to the American Congress in 2007 from socio-cognitive, socio-ideological, and socio-stylistic perspectives. Additionally, the paper uses the critical discourse analysis theory to examine selected quotations from the king’s address in order to see how the Jordanian political discourse is influenced by the status, ideologies, and attitudes of the congressmen to whom it is directed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Supriansyah Supriansyah

This article examines the identity of the Banjar people who have been trapped in issues of ethnicity, religion and culture. The social construction of the identity of contemporary or urban Banjar people is still not touched by many researchers. Known as a religious and obedient society, the urban Banjar people cannot avoid contact with the clash of differences, where the presence of the internet makes it easy to clash or friction with various things. Living in the postmodern era, the Banjar community met with digital culture and consumerism. Both are very susceptible to coloring Islam, which is also happened in forming the identity of the Banjar people itself. Two important questions in this article, namely what do the Banjar people face in the postmodern era? And what is the effect on the construction of the identity of the Banjar people? In fact, the spirituality of the Banjar community which is touched by digital culture and consumerism is transformed by infecting the secular side and the melting of traditionalism in Banjar's public life. The culture of Ahlussunnah wal jamaah of the Banjar community is no longer rigid but mingles with several different ideologies or ideologies. The Islamic identity of the Banjar people is no longer dominated by the ideology of Aswaja. At the same time, political conditions play an active role, so there is silence on the worship side because it is intertwined with consumerism, digital culture and the strengthening of the flow of Islamic populism in society. Artikel ini mengulik identitas masyarakat Banjar yang selama ini masih terjebak dalam persoalan etnisitas, keberagamaan dan kebudayaan. Konstruksi sosial atas identitas urang Banjar kontemporer atau urban masih belum banyak disentuh oleh banyak peneliti. Dikenal sebagai masyarakat yang religious dan taat beribadah, urang Banjar urban tidak bisa mengelak bersentuhan dengan benturan berbagai perbedaan, di mana dengan kehadiran internet memudahkan terjadi benturan atau gesekan dengan berbagai hal. Hidup di era pascamodern, masyarakat Banjar berjumpa dengan kultur digital dan budaya konsumerisme. Dua kultur yang sangat rentan mewarnai keberislaman, yang mana juga sebagai identitas urang Banjar itu sendiri. Dua pertanyaan penting dalam artikel ini, yaitu apa saja yang dihadapi dalam kehidupan masyarakat Banjar di era pascamodern? Dan apa pengaruhnya terhadap konstruksi identitas urang Banjar? Spritualitas masyarakat Banjar yang dijamah kultur digital dan konsumerisme bertransformasi dengan menjangkiti sisi sekuler dan mencairnya tradisionalisme di kehidupan publik Banjar. Kultur Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah masyarakat Banjar tidak lagi rigid dan berbaur cair dengan beberapa paham atau ideologi yang berbeda. Identitas Keberislaman urang Banjar tidak lagi didominasi dibatasi ideologi Aswaja. Di saat yang sama kondisi politik turut memainkan peran aktif, sehingga terjadi pendangkalan pada sisi peribadatan karena berkelindan dengan konsumerisme, kultur digital dan menguatnya arus populisme Islam di masyarakat.


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