Antisemitism and National Identity in the UK

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-138
Author(s):  
Matthias J. Becker
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Uk

Identity Politics and Migration

2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Vytis Čiubrinskas
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Host Country ◽  
Social Anthropology ◽  
The Us ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Current ◽  
Respective Host

The Centre of Social Anthropology (CSA) at Vytautas Magnus University (VMU) in Kaunas has coordinated projects on this, including a current project on 'Retention of Lithuanian Identity under Conditions of Europeanisation and Globalisation: Patterns of Lithuanian-ness in Response to Identity Politics in Ireland, Norway, Spain, the UK and the US'. This has been designed as a multidisciplinary project. The actual expressions of identity politics of migrant, 'diasporic' or displaced identity of Lithuanian immigrants in their respective host country are being examined alongside with the national identity politics of those countries.

Ruth Davidson's Conservatives: The Scottish Tory Party, 2011-19

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Retrospective Study ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Point Of No Return ◽  
Lgbt Politics ◽  
The Uk

Examines the startling revival of the Scottish Conservative Party under Ruth Davidson’s leadership: A very timely retrospective study of the Scottish Conservative Party's revival under Ruth Davidson's leadership (November 2011–August 2019). Analyses the Scottish Conservative Party under Ruth Davidson’s in the context of gender and LGBT politics; its relationships with the SNP, Northern Ireland, the Scottish media and the UK Tory Party; and its use of Scottish national identity. Helps inform Scottish political and academic discourse ahead of the 2021 Holyrood elections. When Ruth Davidson was elected leader of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party in 2011, it was considered something of a joke: in electoral decline for decades, politically irrelevant and seemingly past the point of no return. But by 2017, ‘Ruth Davidson’s Conservatives’ had become Scotland’s second party at Holyrood and Westminster, and its leader spoken of as a future leader of the UK Conservative Party, if not the next Scottish First Minister. Then, in August 2019, Ruth Davidson resigned.

Civil society in search of a state: Dublin 1898–1922

Urban History ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
CIARÁN WALLACE
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
City Council ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Government Reforms

ABSTRACT:A municipal boundary dispute between Dublin's nationalist city council and its independent unionist suburbs in the early twentieth century was symptomatic of a much deeper disagreement over national identity within the United Kingdom. Considering urban councils as the link between the state and local civil society (or subscriber democracy), and using theories proposed by Graeme Morton, R.J. Morris and Norton E. Long, along with illustrative contrasts from municipal behaviour in Edinburgh, this article examines these relationships in Edwardian Dublin. It argues that the modernization of Irish municipal government in 1898 empowered Dublin in unforeseen ways. By amplifying existing divergent identities, and providing a platform for the nascent Irish state, municipal government reforms contributed significantly to the break-up of the UK in 1922.

Understanding Sport as a Religious Phenomenon

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Bain-Selbo ◽  
D. Gregory Sapp
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
National Identity ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Religious Experience ◽  
American South ◽  
The World ◽  
Methodological Approaches ◽  
The American South ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Classroom Use

Readers are introduced to a range of theoretical and methodological approaches used to understand religion – including sociology, philosophy, psychology, and anthropology – and how they can be used to understand sport as a religious phenomenon. Topics include the formation of powerful communities among fans and the religious experience of the fan, myth, symbols and rituals and the sacrality of sport, and sport and secularization. Case studies are taken from around the world and include the Olympics (ancient and modern), football in the UK, the All Blacks and New Zealand national identity, college football in the American South, and gymnastics. [new paragraph] Ideal for classroom use, Understanding Sport as a Religious Phenomenon illuminates the nature of religion through sports phenomena and is a much-needed contribution to the field of religion and popular culture.

Epilogue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hearn
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk

The epilogue pulls back from the study presented to place it in the context of general patterns of national identity and recent and on going constitutional change in the UK. It explores how this case study relates to recent political events that have happened since the time of fieldwork, including the Scottish Independence Referendum of 2014, the UK Brexit Referendum of 2016, and the changing compositions of party systems in Scotland and the UK as a whole. It suggests that these events, like the formation of HBOS and its crisis, reflect deep and rapid economic, political and social changes, and illustrate the human struggle to make sense of and act towards an often imponderable future.

scholarly journals European but not European enough: An explanation for Brexit

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Carl ◽  
James Dennison ◽  
Geoffrey Evans
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Member State ◽  
Positive Association ◽  
Weak Sense ◽  
European Identity ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Countries ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Measures Of Inequality ◽  
The Eu

To date, most accounts of the UK’s vote to leave the EU have focussed on explaining variation across individuals and constituencies within the UK. In this article, we attempt to answer a different question, namely ‘Why was it the UK that voted to leave, rather than any other member state?’. We show that the UK has long been one of the most Eurosceptic countries in the EU, which we argue can be partly explained by Britons’ comparatively weak sense of European identity. We also show that existing explanations of the UK’s vote to leave cannot account for Britons’ long-standing Euroscepticism: the UK scores lower than many other member states on measures of inequality/austerity, the ‘losers of globalisation’ and authoritarian values, and some of these measures are not even correlated with Euroscepticism across member states. In addition, we show that the positive association between national identity and Euroscepticism is stronger in the UK than in most other EU countries. Overall, we conclude that Britons’ weak sense of European identity was a key contributor to the Brexit vote.

Introduction: English Identity and Institutions in a Changing United Kingdom

2018 ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Michael Kenny ◽  
Iain McLean ◽  
Akash Paun
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
National Conversation ◽  
National Sentiment ◽  
English Identity ◽  
The Uk

This chapter examines whether, why and with what consequences there has been a disentangling of England from Britain in terms of its governance and national identity. The assumption has been that to distinguish between England and Britain risks destabilising the Union. However, the English seem dissatisfied with how they are governed, as demonstrated by support for Brexit, and less content for their nationhood to be poured into the larger vessel of Britishness. In response, the major UK political parties appear more willing to appeal to English national sentiment. But England has yet to engage in a reflective national conversation about its changing identity and its relationship with the rest of the UK and wider world. The fragmentary character of national consciousness in England, and deep divisions in its political culture, make it impossible to draw simple conclusions. This chapter sketches the outlines of a prospective research agenda on these issues.

Understanding Brexit in Wales: Austerity, Elites and National Identity

2020 ◽  
pp. 175-188
Author(s):  
Hugh Mackay
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
English National Identity ◽  
Historical Relationship ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Very High

Support for Brexit in Wales looks similar to that in England. The turn-out in Wales was very high, the same as the UK average and, as in Brexit-voting parts of England, there was strong anti-immigration sentiment in Brexit-voting areas of Wales, with a feeling that immigration is keeping wages down. This chapter, however, focuses on several important differences: it explores what is distinctive about support for Brexit in Wales. Approaches to Brexit are different in Wales due to the historical relationship of Wales to England, and the distinct social structure and politics of Wales – specifically, its elite and its distinct politics. In England, those with the strongest sense of English national identity voted most heavily for Brexit, whilst those who identified as British more than English tended to vote Remain. Thus, in order to understand Brexit in Wales, the chapter analyses and explains Brexit voting and the nature of elite agents and identities in contemporary Wales.

Governing England

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Awakening ◽  
National Conversation ◽  
English National Identity ◽  
The Uk

England is ruled directly from Westminster by institutions and parties that are both English and British. The non-recognition of England reflects a long-standing assumption of ‘unionist statecraft’ that to draw a distinction between what is English and what is British risks destabilising the union state. The book examines evidence that this conflation of England and Britain is growing harder to sustain in view of increasing political divergence between the nations of the UK and the awakening of English national identity. These trends were reflected in the 2016 vote to leave the European Union, driven predominantly by English voters (outside London). Brexit was motivated in part by a desire to restore the primacy of the Westminster Parliament, but there are countervailing pressures for England to gain its own representative institutions and for devolution to England’s cities and regions. The book presents competing interpretations of the state of English nationhood, examining the views that little of significance has changed, that Englishness has been captured by populist nationalism, and that a more progressive, inclusive Englishness is struggling to emerge. We conclude that England’s national consciousness remains fragmented due to deep cleavages in its political culture and the absence of a reflective national conversation about England’s identity and relationship with the rest of the UK and the wider world. Brexit was a (largely) English revolt, tapping into unease about England’s place within two intersecting Unions (British and European), but it is easier to identify what the nation spoke against than what it voted for.

scholarly journals Transforming Tradition: Performances of Jingju (‘Beijing Opera’) in the UK

2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
ASHLEY THORPE
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Judith Butler ◽  
Chinese Theatre ◽  
Homi Bhabha ◽  
Chinese Overseas ◽  
Indigenous Organizations ◽  
Beijing Opera ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Diasporic Identities

Jingju (‘Beijing opera’) is China's most iconic traditional theatre, marketed as a global signifier of Chinese theatre and national identity. Although troupes from mainland China regularly tour Europe, audiences in the UK have also had access to Jingju via two indigenous organizations: the UK Beijing Opera Society (now defunct) and the London Jing Kun Opera Association (now in its ninth year). These organizations consist of Chinese, overseas Chinese and Western performers performing both Jingju and Kunju (‘Kun opera’). Where there is a mix of ethnicity, can ‘traditional Chinese theatre’ still be conceived of as ‘traditional’? How is Jingju mapped onto non-Chinese bodies? Can Jingju performances by ethnically white performers reflect diasporic identities? Drawing on the theories of Judith Butler and Homi Bhabha, this article argues that by highlighting the performativity of identity, the performance of Jingju by non-Chinese performers challenges the notion of Jingju as a global signifier of ‘authentic traditional Chinese theatre’.

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