Political Rationality and the Argumentative Approach in Lawmaking. How to Deal with Them?

Author(s):  
Roberta Simões Nascimento
Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


Author(s):  
Heidi Moen Gjersøe ◽  
Anne Leseth

AbstractThis paper argues that young people, targeted by activation policies, had several temporal experiences with work that can contribute to broadening our understanding of labour market policy for this group of young people. By drawing on qualitative interviews with young people not in employment, education, or training (NEET) in a Norwegian activation context, and by applying anthropological and sociological concepts on temporality and work time in our analysis, we question how time is constructed and reproduced in the establishment of work relations among this group of people. We argue that political discourses of work inclusion for young adults (NEETs) tend to portray work as a means to an end for inclusion. In doing so, they fail to address the complex temporal dimension of work. We find that young adults have a range of complex experiences where disparity between formal and informal aspects of work becomes visible. The temporal dimension of these experiences and the relativity of speed in getting a job are not experienced in a linear manner but as churning between getting a job, having a job, and losing a job.


2011 ◽  
Vol 228-229 ◽  
pp. 963-967
Author(s):  
Jing Kun Zhou

This paper first of all provides the guiding principles for choosing assessment subjects for the environmental protection performance of local party and government officials: effectiveness, scientificalness and objectivity. Effectiveness includes usefulness, inexpensiveness, and urgency; scientificalness includes professionality, systematicness and representativeness; objectivity includes independence, political rationality and authority. After that, starting from these guiding principles, this paper discusses the process of how to choose the best performance assessment subjects according to the analytical model of stakeholder assessment subjects. And then characteristics of potential assessment subjects for the environmental protection performance of local party and government officials are analyzed. At last, through the analytical model of stakeholder assessment subjects and characteristics of potential assessment subjects for the environmental protection performance of local party and government officials, this paper makes a relative analysis of the best assessment subjects for the environmental protection performance of local party and government officials, and gets a conclusion that professional assessment institutions are the best choice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Bell

The lexeme Charakter denotes the set of innate or acquired dispositions that make an individual or a nation distinctive, determine its behaviour, and give it psychological and moral strength. Charakter plays a central role in Goethe’s moral psychology and his ethical thought in general, as well as in his thinking on culture. His psychological and ethical thought is notoriously hard to classify or to align with the main traditions of European thought. His concern with Charakter could be said to belong to the broad classical tradition of virtue ethics, in the sense that Goethe placed moral character at the heart of ethics. However, in contrast to the classical tradition of virtue ethics, which holds that both the rational and the non-rational parts of humans contribute to a virtuous character, and that virtues can be conceptualized clearly, Goethe resists the claims of reason on our moral character. His early writings on culture and the drama Egmont have a Rousseauian flavour: Charakter represents a natural force that is endangered by civilization. After the French Revolution and in opposition to the emergence of liberalism, Goethe came to see Charakter as a political resource that was superior to political rationality. In his most sustained engagements with philosophical ethics—his essays on Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1805) and Isaac Newton (1810)—Goethe argues, in deliberate opposition to Kant, that natural Charakter has at least as much ethical force as reason and that naturalistic descriptions of human behaviour are at least as valid as moral ones. Moreover, Charakter has the advantage of leading us by a more direct and reliable route to morally good outcomes. In this sense, it can be said without risk of exaggeration that Charakter displaces rationality in Goethe’s ethical thought.


2012 ◽  
pp. 115-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frieder Vogelmann

Although the governmentality literature has occasionally acknowledged the importance of the concept of a liberal truth-regime, there has never been a thorough investigation of the role it plays in Foucault’s governmentality lectures. Therefore, this paper begins with an examination of the lectures’ “archaeological dimension” that leads to two claims: First, it shows that the crucial conceptual tool in the lectures is the question about the relation to truth that a particular political rationality possesses. Only by looking at the changing truth-regimes of the liberal governmentalities will their differences and continuities come into full contrast. The article’s second claim is that this conceptually sharpened understanding of the political rationalities is required for a diagnosis of the present, which reveals that today’s dominant governmentality is no longer neo-liberalism but a new liberal rationality: neosocial market economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 201-219
Author(s):  
Katherine Grube

Big Tail Elephant Working Group (daweixiang gongzuo zu, hereafter BTE) is synonymous with the city of Guangzhou and the surrounding Pearl River Delta. Formed in 1991, the group is most closely associated with the artists Chen Shaoxiong (1962–2016), Liang Juhui (1959–2006), Lin Yilin (1964–) and Xu Tan (1957–). This article re-examines BTE artists’ practice from 1991 to 1994 and argues that the artist’s performing body provides the critical lens through which to understand BTE artists’ work during this time. Acknowledging that the experience of BTE’s work was primarily physical, embodied and performative allows for an important reconsideration of not only their works but also the predominant ways in which the global capitalist ‘turn’ in the 1990’s China has been discussed in art historical writing. This article argues that BTE artists were primarily interested in urban forms for what they signified about commercialization as a form of a new political rationality after 1989 and suggests that BTE artists were ultimately concerned with commodification’s transformation of society and of ideas of cultural value.


Author(s):  
Thorsten Bonacker

Abstract This article examines the political rationality and governance practices that emerged in the course of the international politics of decolonization. It focuses primarily on the UN trusteeship system, within which the former League of Nations mandates were continued by the trusteeship powers. In this process, the trustees' policies were placed under international scrutiny. The article ties in with International Political Sociology's increased interest in historical perspectives. In particular, it asks how the political rationality of the trusteeship system differs from colonial governmentality. Two arguments are put forward: first, international governing, as can be seen from the trusteeship system, is characterized by a postcolonial governmentality that continues central elements of colonial governmentality, but transfers them to the international level. Second, following Latour, it is argued that trusteeship governance is constituted by forms of knowledge production and the bureaucratic circulation of information that continue to shape the governance of international organizations today. To this end, the article takes up in particular the reporting system of the trusteeship system as well as its central instruments of knowledge production: the visiting missions, the petition system, and the collection of data through questionnaires.


2019 ◽  
pp. 236-268
Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal

This chapter departs from others by focusing on government as a site of politics. It finds the same trend at work: ‘security’ has been migrating out from a ‘black box’ at the dark heart of the state and into the wider reaches of government, encroaching on all policy areas and all government departments. Building on current literatures on risk, the chapter argues that central to this trend is the rise of a risk-based based rationality in government, which supplants the traditional threat-based security logic with one based on possibilities. The chapter argues that this allows ‘security’ to become subordinate to other political goals such as economic growth, relativising its traditional existential claim on political rationality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kayhan Barzegar ◽  
Abdolrasool Divsallar

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