The Philosophical and Political Pluralism of the Vienna Circle—The Example of Otto Neurath and Moritz Schlick

Author(s):  
Friedrich Stadler
Author(s):  
James McElvenny

This book is a historical study of influential currents in the philosophy of language and linguistics of the first half of the twentieth century, explored from the perspective of the English scholar C. K. Ogden (1889–1957). Although no ‘Great Man’ in his own right, Ogden had a personal connection, reflected in his work, to several of the most significant figures of the age. The background to the ideas espoused in Ogden’s book The Meaning of Meaning, co-authored with I.A. Richards (1893–1979), is examined in detail, along with the application of these ideas in his international language project Basic English. A richly interlaced network of connections is revealed between early analytic philosophy, semiotics and linguistics, all inevitably shaped by the contemporary cultural and political environment. In particular, significant interaction is shown between Ogden’s ideas, the varying versions of ‘logical atomism’ of Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) and Ludwig Wittgensten (1889–1951), Victoria Lady Welby’s (1837–1912) ‘significs’, and the philosophy and political activism of Otto Neurath (1882–1945) and Rudolf Carnap (1891–1970) of the Vienna Circle. Amid these interactions emerges a previously little known mutual exchange between the academic philosophy and linguistics of the period and the practically oriented efforts of the international language movement.


The issue of political pluralism in our societies is considered one of the critical issues in contemporary political construction, and it has influential implications in the political arena, and its study in the legal policy has become important to control Islamic political action. The results came to confirm that pluralism in Islamic thought has its roots since the first century of the state in Islam And it has two views: The first: Pluralism in political views, which is an award and even a duty within the parameters of enjoining good and forbidding evil and advice. The second: Pluralism in the formation of Islamic political parties, as the principle is that there is no permissibility, and it is resorted to only in the interest of a general and achieved reality that leads to achieving peaceful coexistence and political stability. Keywords: Legitimate politics - political pluralism - Islamic parties - Islamic political thought - political opinions - political systems _________________________________________________ تعد قضية التعددية السياسية في مجتمعاتنا من القضايا المفصلية في البناء السياسي المعاصر ولها تداعيات مؤثرة في الساحة السياسية ، ودراستها في ضوء السياسة الشرعية بات مهما لضبط العمل السياسي الاسلامي . وجاءت النتائج لتؤكد ان للتعددية في الفكر الاسلامي جذورها منذ القرن الاول للدولة في الاسلام ولها صورتان : الاولى : تعددية في الاراء السياسية وهي جائزة بل واجبة ضمن ضوابط الامر بالمعروف والنهي عن المنكر والنصيحة. والثانية : التعددية في تشكيل الاحزاب السياسية الاسلامية فالاصل فيها عدم الجواز ولا يلجأ اليها الا لمصلحة حقيقة عامة متحققة تؤدي الى تحقيق التعايش السلمي والاستقرار السياسي. الكلمات المفتاحية: السياسة الشرعية- التعددية السياسية- الاحزاب الاسلامية - الفكر السياسي الاسلامي- الاراء السياسية- النظم السياسية.


Author(s):  
Jean L. Cohen

We typically associate sovereignty with the modern state, and the coincidence of worldly powers of political rule, public authority, legitimacy, and jurisdiction with territorially delimited state authority. We are now also used to referencing liberal principles of justice, social-democratic ideals of fairness, republican conceptions of non-domination, and democratic ideas of popular sovereignty (democratic constitutionalism) for the standards that constitute, guide, limit, and legitimate the sovereign exercise of public power. This chapter addresses an important challenge to these principles: the re-emergence of theories and claims to jurisdictional/political pluralism on behalf of non-state ‘nomos groups’ within well-established liberal democratic polities. The purpose of this chapter is to preserve the key achievements of democratic constitutionalism and apply them to every level on which public power, rule, and/or domination is exercised.


Synthese ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ansgar Seide

AbstractIn this paper, I take a closer look at Hans Reichenbach’s relation to metaphysics and work out some interesting parallels between his account and that of the proponents of inductive metaphysics, a tradition that emerged in the mid- and late 19th century and the early 20th century in Germany. It is in particular Hans Reichenbach’s conception of the relation between the natural sciences and metaphysics, as displayed in his treatment of the question of the existence of the external world, that shows some very interesting similarities with inductive metaphysics. By a comparison with the position of the inductive metaphysician Erich Becher and his handling of the problem of realism, I work out the parallels between Reichenbach’s program and inductive metaphysics. I come to the conclusion that while there are certainly some respects in which Reichenbach’s logical empiricism is closer to the positions of the representatives of the Vienna Circle, it turns out that with regard to his views on metaphysics there is a greater affinity with the program of inductive metaphysics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-305
Author(s):  
Alan Scott ◽  
Silvia Rief

This article discusses one early manifestation of a recurring theme in social theory and sociology: the relationship between general (‘universal’ or ‘grand’) theory and empirical research. For the early critical theorists, empiricism and positivism were associated with technocratic domination. However, there was one place where the opposite view prevailed: science and empiricism were viewed as forces of social and political progress and speculative social theory as a force of reaction. That place was Red Vienna of the 1920s and early 1930s. We examine how this view came to be widespread among Austro-Marxists, empirical researchers and some members of the Vienna Circle. It focuses on the arguments and institutional power of their opponents: reactionary, universalistic and corporatist social theorists. The debate between Catholic corporatist theory and its empiricist critics is located not merely in Vienna but also within wider debates in the German-speaking world. Finally, we seek to link these lesser-known positions to more familiar strands of social thought, namely, those associated with Weber and, more briefly, Durkheim and Elias.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 403-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Baggini

Although political pluralism can have an ethical justification, it does not need one. Political pluralism can be justified on the basis of an epistemological argument about what we can claim to know, one which has a normative conclusion about how strongly we ought to believe. This is important because for pluralism to command wide assent, it needs something other than an ethical justification, since many simply will not accept that justification. Thus understood, we can see that current threats to pluralism come not just from authoritarian movements but from populism, which has already infected mainstream politics.


ARTMargins ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Neurath

This text introduces a programmatic text of Otto Neurath on the educational use of the method of pictorial statistics. Neurath emphasizes the importance of a visual method to transfer scientific knowledge to popular audiences. At the same time, his Vienna Method attempts to adapt the popular educational strategy to an increasingly visual modernity. The specific educational interest of Neurath's Vienna Method consists in political education, in transferring basic knowledge about the general structure and dominant developments of society. His program thus echoes his contemporaries’ debates on the possibilities of social realism. To understand the historical significance of Neurath the introductory text accentuates three lines of possible discussion. It points out the importance of Neurath's visual pedagogy for the tradition of contemporary discussions around the so-called Bildwissenschaften. It also contextualizes Neurath's visual pedagogy in the Austrian tradition of Second International Social Democracy and in the context of the philosophical debates of the Vienna circle. Against this double historical background, the text eventually tries to understand the educational achievements and political pitfalls of Neurath's attempt to represent general societal developments visually.


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