Welsh Language Policy: A Long Twentieth Century

Author(s):  
Patrick Carlin
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-316
Author(s):  
C.F. Huws

This article will discuss the extent to which legislation is effective in terms of changing individual and group behaviours. The specific focus of this article will be to argue that legislation pertaining to the use of the Welsh language in Wales, despite having expanded the domains of language use in an important way, has not shifted the cycle of language non-use that may be identified.


Author(s):  
Qing Zhang

This chapter discusses language policies in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), including the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR since 1997) and Taiwan. The term “Greater China” refers to these three territories. Contemporary language policies in the region are driven by the need for, and play a vital role in, building a unified modern nation-state. The discussion notes that language policy is informed and shaped by language ideologies and attitudes, as well as by sociohistorical, geopolitical, and economic considerations. All three territories have witnessed drastic socioeconomic and political change since the last two decades of the twentieth century. Such transformations have undoubtedly left their impact on their languages and language policies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-727
Author(s):  
Elin Royles ◽  
Huw Lewis

Efforts are underway to develop a stronger political science perspective regarding the practice of language policy to establish language policy as a distinct field of public policy studies. The article’s original theoretical contribution is to develop a framework, grounded in historical institutionalism, to analyse the multi-level institutional factors that influence language policy choices relating to regional or minority languages within European multi-level states. The framework is tested by applying it to analyse the multi-level factors that condition language policy decisions regarding the Welsh language, and through further investigating the framework’s significance and robustness to analyse language policy trajectories in two contrasting European cases. Overall, the article makes the case for the strengths and adaptability of the framework in producing convincing explanations of the multi-level dimensions of language policy development in different institutionalised contexts and calls for greater investigation of its ability to analyse other regional and minority languages in Europe.


2011 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 1017-1033 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huw Lewis

Do policies that seek to revive the prospects of minority languages transgress important liberal principles? The article will explore this question by focusing on one controversial aspect of language policy in Wales: the steps taken to set Welsh language requirements for some jobs in the public sector. This is a practice that has generated substantial debate, with opponents claiming that it undermines equality of opportunity in the field of employment and, in particular, transgresses the principle of appointing on the basis of merit. It will be argued here that such objections do not stand up to scrutiny. Efforts to promote a language's position in the field of employment do not undermine the principle of merit, but merely expand slightly on its meaning. Therefore, liberals should, in principle, be willing to endorse policies similar to those adopted in Wales in recent years. Nevertheless, the fact that these policies can be endorsed in principle does not mean that liberals would wish to exclude them completely from criticism. Rather, as will also be argued, the background conditions against which they are implemented and the degree to which these can influence an individual's linguistic ability should also be considered, and in the Welsh context, at least, this is an issue that may call for further attention.


2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 529-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW EDWARDS ◽  
DUNCAN TANNER ◽  
PATRICK CARLIN

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the advances made to safeguard the future of the Welsh language under the Conservative governments of the 1980s and 1990s. These advancements included the establishment of a Welsh language television channel, advancements in the field of Welsh language education, the formation of a Welsh Language Board, and, finally, the implementation of a new Welsh Language Act in 1993. Challenging popular assumptions regarding the nature of Conservative governance during this period, the article examines the background and context of these developments by highlighting the limitations of ‘Thatcherite’ dogma not only in ‘second order’ areas of policy, but also in a nation where Tory roots were not deeply embedded.


Author(s):  
Lisa Sheppard

This chapter offers a case study of the Welsh-language women’s monthly domestic magazine, Y Gymraes (The Welshwoman). The first magazine called Y Gymraes was founded in 1850 in response to accusations of immorality against Welsh women made in the 1847 Reports of the Commissioners of Enquiry into the State of Education in Wales. The chapter focuses on the second incarnation of the magazine, published between 1896 and 1934, which was the official magazine of the Temperance movement in Wales. Women’s publications in late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Wales have begun to receive critical attention over the past few decades, but little has been written about their development during the interwar years. This chapter seeks to remedy this by examining conflicting notions of Welsh and British womanhood in the domestic ideals presented by the magazine at a time of increased Welsh national consciousness.


Author(s):  
Amílcar Antonio Barreto

More than means of communication, languages are integral parts of our cultural identities and feature frequently in intercultural conflict. Language policy has been a thorny issue in federal-territorial relations since the early twentieth century. There is a hallowed place for the Spanish language in Puerto Rican identity. At the same time, Puerto Ricans view English as a critical tool for upward mobility. The tug-of-war between the heart and wallet meant that most Puerto Ricans accepted official bilingualism. Then suddenly, in 1991, the island’s government declared Spanish its only official language. Political expediency was not the point. After all, it was not a popular move. Rather, the political operatives pushing this shift in language policy were involved in a complex game bypassing votes for a much larger political prize.


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