Framing Urban Movements, Contesting Global Capitalism and Liberal Democracy

Author(s):  
Miguel Angel Martínez López
2021 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 210-235
Author(s):  
Nihal UMAR ◽  
Gencay SAYLAN

In this century, representative liberal democracy is universally considered as the most perfect political regime. However, it is emphasized that the same political regime is exposed to a major crisis for the last 10-20 years as well as looking for ways out. Pursuant to many political scientists, the representative liberal democracy has the authoritarianism tendency that is defined as populism, and they relate it post-truth politics. It is also underlined that due to the politics with such negative elements, democracy contains paradox in terms of practice and discourse. Political regimes become functional within a certain social structure and it is obvious that democracy as a type of political system becomes functional within global world order, namely capitalism. In the research, political methodology, which studies the quantitative and qualitative methods, has been. This study aims to clarify how global capitalism throws representative liberal democracy into major functionality crisis, and the political and administrative rise of populist authoritarianism through post-trust. The sample of the study consists of academics working as lecturers in universities in Northern Cyprus. The results show that, there is a difference between demographic charecteristics of the participants responses to representative liberal democracy, know about populist authoritarianism and post truth politics. There is also a relationship between the political scientists’ authoritarianism tendency and authoritaritarianism defined as populism, as well as between liberal democracy role over the major crisis and role of global capitalism throws representative liberal democracy into major functionality crisis.


Author(s):  
Helen V Milner

Abstract Global capitalism seems to be placing democracy, especially liberal democracy, under considerable stress. Support for populism has surged, especially for extreme right parties with populist and authoritarian programs. Inequality, insecurity, and interdependence—all associated with globalization—have grown globally and appear to be key sources of stress. New technologies spread readily by globalization are also a force for destabilization. Do these international forces pose existential challenges to democracy? Liberal democracy rests on a foundation of political equality among citizens; it requires free and fair elections, competition among programmatic parties, political legitimacy from public support, and institutional constraints on executive power and majority rule. Is the rise global capitalism eroding all of these key elements? If so, what can be done about it?


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Muslim Abdurrahman

<p class="Bodytext20">In this modem era, Islam, in fact, has a significant influence in politics and culture. Western people regard this as a symptom of the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism. It is a reaction of Islam to modernism and capitalism. Even though the term is not purely from Islamic terminology, for Western academicians it virtually represents Islam. Even, they relate it to terrorist movements. It takes us back to remarkable phenomena of secularism embedding that happened in Europe two decades ago. Modernism and capitalism have effects not only on Islam but also on other non-Islamic countries. Therefore, it is not surprising if then in this era of global capitalism Western academicians try to eliminate the thesis of secularism in their fundamentalism project. In the third millennium, after the fall of communism in Russia and Western Europe, Western is interested in studying Islam, if truth to be told, it is more intense. They are afraid of the influence of Islam for which the fundamentalists struggle to realize Islam as the grand narrative, a blue print of universal ideology that often impedes Western hegemony with its liberal democracy.</p><p> </p><p>Pada zaman modern ini, nyatanya Islam memiliki pengaruh signifikan dalam Politik dan budaya. Orang Barat menganggap ini sebagai pertanda kemunculan fundamentalis Islam. Hal itu adalah reaksi Islam terhadap modernisme dan kapitalisme. Meskipun begitu, istilah tersebut tidak berasal dari istilah Islam, hanya saja menurut akademis Barat, istilah tersebut merepresentasikan Islam secara virtual. Bahkan, mereka mengaitkannya dengan gerakan teroris. Hal ini membawa kita kembali pada fenomena dahsyat sekularisme yang terjadi di Eropa dua dekade lalu. Modernisme dan kapitalisme berefek tak hanya pada Islam tapi juga pada negara-negara non-Islam. Maka dari itum tidak mengejutkan jika dalam era kapitalisme global, akademisi Barat mencoba menyingkirkan hipotesis sekularisme dalam proyek fundamentalismenya. Pada milenium ketiga, pasca runtuhnya komunisme di Rusia dan Eropa Barat, negara Barat mulai tertarik mempelajari Islam. Karena jika kebenaran diungkapkan, maka akan lebih hebat. Mereka takut akan pengaruh Islam bagi para fundamentalis yang berjuang untuk menyadarkan Islam sebagai narasi besar, sebuah <em>blue print</em> ideologi universal yang sering mengahalangi hegemoni Barat dengan demokrasi liberalnya.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
Péter Mihályi ◽  
Ivan Szelenyi

Abstract What is the relationship between liberalism, illiberalism and despotic forms of dictatorship – this is the central question of this paper. From the 1970’s and especially after 1989-91 it appeared that the rise of global capitalism and liberal democracy was unstoppable. Since 2005 this trend seems to be reversed. The number of countries classified as “non-free,” “undemocratic” or “illiberal” has been increasing. The bottom line of this paper is that illiberal regimes (even if they tend to be dictatorial in some ways) as long as they offer a minimal legal guarantee to capitalist businesses, can accommodate a capitalist system. Under despotic-dictatorial systems this is unimaginable. In the second part of the paper the authors make an attempt to re-conceptualize capitalism with a new theory of rent.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (01) ◽  
pp. 47-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose L. Reynoso

This article analyzes ways in which dance as labor and artist as a specific subjectivity relate to the material conditions of their production within contexts shaped by neoliberal notions of freedom, ideologies of liberal democracy, and the logic of global capitalism. The discussion focuses on contemporary dance practices that embody some of these values by striving to be more egalitarian, thus giving performers more agency in how they participate in creative processes that lead to a collectively created performance work. This analysis emphasizes the tension between these collaborative practices and modes of producing and distributing financial and symbolic, as well as cultural forms of capital in ways that resist and/or reproduce exploitative aspects of capitalism. Examining some works by Yvonne Rainer, Xavier Le Roy, and Tino Sehgal enables the theorization of the entrepreneurial artistic archive as well as practices of crediting creative labor in relation to notions of capital, ownership, collaboration, and consequently who dance-art makers and performers become as politically progressive artists.


This book critically reflects on the failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. The book argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world. Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq War and denying their connection to contemporary events could mean that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.


Somatechnics ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-215
Author(s):  
Robert McRuer

Theorists of neoliberalism have placed dispossession and displacement at the centre of their analyses of the workings of contemporary global capitalism. Disability, however, has not figured centrally into these analyses. This essay attends to what might be comprehended as the crip echoes generated by dispossession, displacement, and a global austerity politics. Centring on British-Mexican relations during a moment of austerity in the UK and gentrification in Mexico City, the essay identifies both the voices of disability that are recognized by and made useful for neoliberalism as well as those shut down or displaced by this dominant economic and cultural system. The spatial politics of austerity in the UK have generated a range of punishing, anti-disabled policies such as the so-called ‘Bedroom Tax.’ The essay critiques such policies (and spatial politics) by particularly focusing on two events from 2013: a British embassy good will event exporting British access to Mexico City and an installation of photographs by Livia Radwanski. Radwanski's photos of the redevelopment of a Mexico City neighbourhood (and the displacement of poor people living in the neighbourhood) are examined in order to attend to the ways in which disability might productively haunt an age of austerity, dispossession, and displacement.


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