The Interpretive and Investigative Methods of Three Generations of CPC Leaders: Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin

2021 ◽  
pp. 369-376
Author(s):  
Mingsheng Wang
1999 ◽  
Vol 159 ◽  
pp. 700-711 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle Goldman

Although dissident intellectuals and students continued to be persecuted in the post-Mao Zedong regimes of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, China's intellectuals were no longer denigrated as a class, harassed, suppressed, imprisoned and persecuted to death as they had been during the Mao era. Like the 19th-century self-strengtheners, Deng and his appointed successors regarded intellectuals as essential to achieve their goal of economic modernization and make China once again “rich and powerful.” Those intellectuals involved in the sciences, technology and economics in particular enjoyed elite status as advisers to the government, similar to that which intellectuals had enjoyed throughout most of Chinese history until the 1949 revolution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Eun Kyong Choi ◽  
John Wagner Givens ◽  
Andrew MacDonald

Abstract Many China watchers argue that Xi Jinping has concentrated power in his own hands in a manner unprecedented since the death of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. This article tests the extent of Xi's power consolidation by comparing the strength of his faction during his time in power to similar periods under his two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Furthermore, we investigate whether a dominant faction is emerging under Xi Jinping, replacing the power balancing between factions that was the norm throughout the reform era. Analysing factional affiliations of Chinese leaders in the top four ranks, we find that Xi has formed a dominant faction. Through statistical analysis of the promotion chances of provincial leaders, we find that Xi has been unusually successful when compared to previous leaders at promoting his clients. This suggests that Xi has boosted the power of his faction by elevating provincial leaders to an extent not seen since the death of Mao and Deng.


Author(s):  
E. Elena Songster

The year 1976 was monumental for China with the loss of important state leaders, and a tragic earthquake. Amidst all of the government’s active response to a panda starvation scare demonstrates the importance of this animal to China. A repeat starvation scare in the mid-1980s creates an opportunity to trace the transformation of China from Mao Zedong era to the Deng Xiaoping era by juxtaposing the two panda-starvation scares. The responses to these two scares demonstrate a shift in the perception of nature from one of state ownership to one of popular ownership and illustrate the dramatic increase in international participation in the study of the panda and the efforts to preserve this national treasure.


2018 ◽  
pp. 141-174
Author(s):  
Maria Hsia Chang
Keyword(s):  

1986 ◽  
Vol 106 ◽  
pp. 207-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucian W. Pye

The orthodoxy of the day is that Chinese politics is now pragmatic. The China that was once the ultimate in ideological politics in both the intensity of her passions and the follies of her principles has vanished as by the wave of a conjurer's hand. The primacy of ideology, the hallmark of Chinese Communism under Chairman Mao Zedong, has been replaced by the no-nonsense philosophy of Deng Xiaoping who does not care about the “colour of the cat” so long as it catches “the mice.” With near unanimity scholars of contemporary China welcome the change. It promises not only liberation for the Chinese people from the heavy hand of doctrinal politics but also the prospect that analysis of Chinese developments can emerge from the realm of murky esoteric interpretation into the fresh air of reasoned policy evaluation.


Author(s):  
S. А. Prosekov

The article describes the history of the development of the economy and socio-political relations within the People’s Republic of China during the “reforms and opening up” since December 1978 The article gives a history of the progress of reforms before Xi Jinping came to power The paper examines each leader’s contribution from four generations of the country’s leaders in solving the problems of implementing economic and political reforms The author of the article describes the methods used by the leaders of the Celestial Empire to modernise the country to improve the wellbeing of the population and build “socialism with Chinese characteristic” The article provides a brief description of the achievements and failures in the process of leading the country by Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao.


Author(s):  
Fang Yuan
Keyword(s):  

Durante los últimos setenta años, China ha sido una estrella fulgurante en el campo de la cooperación internacional. El factor principal que contribuyó al ascenso exitoso del gigante asiático es el pragmatismo reflejado en sus estrategias de Cooperación Sur- Sur (CSS). El desarrollo de las estrategias tiene tres fases- el período de Mao Zedong (1949-1976), la época y la post-época de Deng Xiaoping (1978-2012) y la nueva etapa de Xi Jinping (desde 2013)- y en cada una observan reformas dirigidas, en vez de por las ideologías, por los intereses del Estado en diferentes contextos internacionales. Consecuentemente, el progreso de la CSS de China cambió la estructura política internacional, y ofreció experiencias y lecciones útiles para otros países en desarrollo. El presente trabajo va a analizar desde el vínculo de continuidad del pragmatismo las estrategias de la CSS de China a lo largo de las tres fases, y durante un período de tiempo que va desde la década de 1950 hasta la actualidad.


2021 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva

The conclusion. Beginning at FES No. 4, 2021 The second part of the article analyzes the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren), re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan). Under Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present), domestic policy towards overseas Chinese continued in three previously formed key areas: attracting investment, remittances, and donations. There are new and fundamentally important directions in domestic policy: conducting advertising and presentation events, creating specialized projects for business, and protecting the rights of huaqiao in the PRC. Domestic policy towards guiqiao-qiaojuan includes the creation of a legislative framework to protect their rights and interests in the PRC, and the development of specific projects for their adaptation and improvement of living conditions. One of these projects is the so-called overseas Chinese farms created under Mao Zedong for repatriates, in which the relatives of emigrants were also employed. The research is based on the main legislative acts and documents related to huaqiao-huaren and guiqiao-qiaojuan.   The article concludes that the modern overseas Chinese affairs policy of the PRC demonstrates full connection with the main external and internal development projects of the country. It has developed into a full-scale system of cooperation with overseas Chinese, considering the national interests and the interests of the diaspora as much as possible. This system works to attract and use the resources of the diaspora in accordance with the requests of the PRC, and to create a comfortable business environment for the Chinese in the world.


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