The political use of Philippine forestry statistics in the postwar period

1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Kummer
Keyword(s):  
1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Bethell ◽  
Ian Roxborough

The importance of the years of political and social upheaval immediately following the end of the Second World War and coinciding with the beginnings of the Cold War, that is to say, the period from 1944 or 1945 to 1948 or 1949, for the history of Europe (East and West), the Near and Middle East, Asia (Japan, China, South and East Asia), even Africa (certainly South Africa) in the second half of the twentieth century has long been generally recognised. In recent years historians of the United States, which had not, of course, been a theatre of war and which alone among the major belligerents emerged from the Second World War stronger and more prosperous, have begun to focus attention on the political, social and ideological conflict there in the postwar period – and the long term significance for the United States of the basis on which it was resolved. In contrast, except for Argentina, where Perón's rise to power has always attracted the interest of historians, the immediate postwar years in Latin America, which had been relatively untouched by, and had played a relatively minor role in, the Second World War, remain to a large extent neglected. It is our view that these years constituted a critical conjuncture in the political and social history of Latin America just as they did for much of the rest of the world. In a forthcoming collection of case studies, which we are currently editing, the main features of the immediate postwar period in Latin America, and especially the role played by labour and the Left, will be explored in some detail, country by country.1In this article, somewhat speculative and intentionally polemical, we present the broad outlines of our thesis.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Carla Roverselli

Giuliana Sorge (1903-1987) was one of Maria Montessori’s closest disciples. Many parts of her life are linked to the alternating vicissitudes of the spread of the Method in Italy. She is personally involved at the time of the breakdown of the relation between Maria Montessori and fascism. We find her in the immediate postwar period engaged in the reconstruction of the Montessori National Institution and in the dissemination of the Method in Italy. To do this, she weaves a network of relations with exponents of the political and ecclesiastical world assisted by the friendship of Luigia Tincani, a Catholic, Montessori’s friend, founder of what will become the Free University Maria SS. Assunta and a religious congregation. This emerges from an unpublished correspondence between these two women, which also contains interesting news relating to the hostility of prof. Aldo Agazzi towards the spread of the Montessori Method.


2020 ◽  
pp. 226-288
Author(s):  
Robert Kelz

This chapter tracks the trajectory of Argentina's German theaters against a changing political landscape and new waves of European emigration. In the postwar period, director Paul Walter Jacob endeavored to attract all German speakers to the Free German Stage; however, his failed efforts at reconciliation underscored the polarized environment in the Argentine capital. Without ever renouncing fascism, Ludwig Ney adopted a strategy of interculturalism to succeed professionally in Peronist Argentina. German-speaking artists from across the political spectrum embarked on cross-cultural projects, and their transformative impact on theater in Argentina is still evident today. Meanwhile, in its crusade against communism, the West German embassy intervened at both stages. Carefully staged depictions of German heritage and reconciliation reflected a specious contrivance, contingent on edited memories of the recent past. The intractable animosity ultimately led to a move away from German dramatists in favor of canonical European playwrights, such as William Shakespeare.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 492-513
Author(s):  
Jorge Marco

There is a consensus among scholars regarding the slow transformation of ‘hot-blooded terror’ into ‘cold-blooded terror’ during the Civil War and the postwar period in Spain. This article challenges this framework in two ways. First, it argues that the Spanish Civil War did not end in 1939, but lasted until 1952, divided in three stages: symmetric nonconventional warfare (July 1936 – February 1937), conventional civil war (February 1937 – April 1939), and irregular civil war (April 1939–52). Second, it argues that the narrative of ‘cold-blooded terror’ after 1939 has obscured the complexity of the political violence imposed by the Franco dictatorship. The author argues that throughout the three stages of the Civil War the Francoists implemented a process of political cleansing, but that from April 1939 two different logics of violence were deployed. These depended on the attitude of the vanquished – resignation or resistance – after the defeat of the Republican army. The logic of violence directed against the subjugated enemy was channelled through institutional instruments. In contrast, the logic of counterinsurgency directed against the guerrilla movement, alongside instruments such as military courts and the prison system, imposed a wide repertoire of brutal practices and massacres against civilians and combatants.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 73-77
Author(s):  
Ihor ČORNOVOL

The author approached the problem of national identity – the most popular topic among Ukrainian scholars still – in the terms of relativism. Despite the ancestry, a person might choose other identity in Ukraine. The article focuses on biography of Henryk Wereszycki (1898–1990), a Polish historian. His natural father Mykola Hankevyč was a leader of the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, mother was Rosa Altenberg, a daughter of a Jewish book trader. Contrary to his parents, Henryk became neither Ukrainian, nor Jewish but a prominent Polish historian. After graduating from the Faculty of History of Lviv University, H. Vereshytskyi taught history at Lviv gymnasiums. In 1930 was published his first book «Austria and the 1863 Uprising». For the last four pre-war summers he worked as a librarian at the Pilsudski Institute in Warsaw. In September 1939, H. Vereshytskyi participated in the fighting for Warsaw, was captured and spent five years in fascist concentration camps. His mother, brother and sister were died in captivity. In the postwar period G. Vereshytsky continued his career as a historian.From 1945 to 1947 he worked in the Institute of National Memory, 1947–1956 – docent of Wroclaw University, 1956–1969 – Professor, later is a Doctor of Jagiellonian University. The entire edition of his first book «The Political History of Poland. 1864–1918» (1948) was destroyed by censorship. This book (first reprinted in Poland in 1990), as well as his «History of Austria» and «Under the Habsburgs» were included in the gold fund of Polish historiography. Keywords socialism in Galicia, Polish historiography, Rozalia Altenberg, Mykola Hankevych, Henryk Vereshytskyi.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (8) ◽  
pp. 1001-1030 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Jennings ◽  
Shaun Bevan ◽  
Arco Timmermans ◽  
Gerard Breeman ◽  
Sylvain Brouard ◽  
...  

The distribution of attention across issues is of fundamental importance to the political agenda and outputs of government. This article presents an issue-based theory of the diversity of governing agendas where the core functions of government—defense, international affairs, the economy, government operations, and the rule of law—are prioritized ahead of all other issues. It undertakes comparative analysis of issue diversity of the executive agenda of several European countries and the United States over the postwar period. The results offer strong evidence of the limiting effect of core issues—the economy, government operations, defense, and international affairs—on agenda diversity. This suggests not only that some issues receive more attention than others but also that some issues are attended to only at times when the agenda is more diverse. When core functions of government are high on the agenda, executives pursue a less diverse agenda—focusing the majority of their attention on fewer issues. Some issues are more equal than others in executive agenda setting.


2020 ◽  
pp. 185-190
Author(s):  
Colleen Woods

This epilogue illustrates how the transformation of anti-imperial struggles into Cold War “fronts” enabled and legitimated the Philippine state's use of repression and coercion. As elsewhere, anticommunism in the Philippines was never simply about combating adherents to the communist cause; the widespread dissent and uprisings in the immediate postwar period challenged a U.S. foreign policy agenda that relied on the Philippines to serve as a model of “orderly” decolonization. In response, the Philippine government, with U.S. aid and support, enacted a campaign of state violence that equated dissent with disloyalty and cast alternative ideas regarding the political and economic direction of postindependence years outside the legal bounds of political debate. In effect, the state was not required to allow those who were deemed to be communists the same freedoms that a liberal state otherwise promised its citizens. In ways strikingly similar to those of the 1950s and the Marcos era, Philippine activists continue to face the reality of state-sanctioned political terrorism today.


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