Epilogue

2020 ◽  
pp. 185-190
Author(s):  
Colleen Woods
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Liberal State ◽  
Philippine Government

This epilogue illustrates how the transformation of anti-imperial struggles into Cold War “fronts” enabled and legitimated the Philippine state's use of repression and coercion. As elsewhere, anticommunism in the Philippines was never simply about combating adherents to the communist cause; the widespread dissent and uprisings in the immediate postwar period challenged a U.S. foreign policy agenda that relied on the Philippines to serve as a model of “orderly” decolonization. In response, the Philippine government, with U.S. aid and support, enacted a campaign of state violence that equated dissent with disloyalty and cast alternative ideas regarding the political and economic direction of postindependence years outside the legal bounds of political debate. In effect, the state was not required to allow those who were deemed to be communists the same freedoms that a liberal state otherwise promised its citizens. In ways strikingly similar to those of the 1950s and the Marcos era, Philippine activists continue to face the reality of state-sanctioned political terrorism today.

Duterte’s Foreign Policy Pivot and Its Impact on Philippine Trade and Investments: An International Political Economy Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
Jenny D. Balboa
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Trade And Investment

Abstract Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.

Chilean Copper and U.S. Companies

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-117
Author(s):  
Sebastián Hurtado-Torres
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Chilean Copper ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

This chapter focuses on the role of copper policies in the relations between the United States and Chile during the Frei administration, especially as they relate to the developmental efforts of the Christian Democratic project. During the Frei administration, the political debate on copper policies reached a climax. Since U.S. capitals were among the most significant actors in the story, the discussions around the issue of copper converged with the ideological visions of the United States and the Cold War held by the different Chilean political parties. As the Frei administration tried to introduce the most comprehensive and consistent reform around the structure of the property of the Gran Minería del Cobre, the forces in competition in the arena of Chilean politics stood by their ideological convictions, regarding both copper and the United States, in their opposition or grudging support for the policies proposed by the Christian Democratic government. Moreover, the U.S. government became deeply involved in the matter of copper in Chile, first by pressuring the Chilean government into rolling back a price increase in 1965 and then, mostly through the personal efforts of Ambassador Edward Korry, by mediating in the negotiation between the Frei administration and Anaconda on the nationalization of the U.S. company's largest mine, Chuquicamata, in 1969.

Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War: Some Reflections on the 1945–8 Conjuncture

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Bethell ◽  
Ian Roxborough
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

The importance of the years of political and social upheaval immediately following the end of the Second World War and coinciding with the beginnings of the Cold War, that is to say, the period from 1944 or 1945 to 1948 or 1949, for the history of Europe (East and West), the Near and Middle East, Asia (Japan, China, South and East Asia), even Africa (certainly South Africa) in the second half of the twentieth century has long been generally recognised. In recent years historians of the United States, which had not, of course, been a theatre of war and which alone among the major belligerents emerged from the Second World War stronger and more prosperous, have begun to focus attention on the political, social and ideological conflict there in the postwar period – and the long term significance for the United States of the basis on which it was resolved. In contrast, except for Argentina, where Perón's rise to power has always attracted the interest of historians, the immediate postwar years in Latin America, which had been relatively untouched by, and had played a relatively minor role in, the Second World War, remain to a large extent neglected. It is our view that these years constituted a critical conjuncture in the political and social history of Latin America just as they did for much of the rest of the world. In a forthcoming collection of case studies, which we are currently editing, the main features of the immediate postwar period in Latin America, and especially the role played by labour and the Left, will be explored in some detail, country by country.1In this article, somewhat speculative and intentionally polemical, we present the broad outlines of our thesis.

The Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Institute

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Made In

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.

The Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Institute

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Made In

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.

Dwight D. Eisenhower and American Foreign Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard V. Damms
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
National Security ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
World War ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
Covert Operations ◽  
The Cold War

Probably no American president was more thoroughly versed in matters of national security and foreign policy before entering office than Dwight David Eisenhower. As a young military officer, Eisenhower served stateside in World War I and then in Panama and the Philippines in the interwar years. On assignments in Washington and Manila, he worked on war plans, gaining an understanding that national security entailed economic and psychological factors in addition to manpower and materiel. In World War II, he commanded Allied forces in the European Theatre of Operations and honed his skills in coalition building and diplomacy. After the war, he oversaw the German occupation and then became Army Chief of Staff as the nation hastily demobilized. At the onset of the Cold War, Eisenhower embraced President Harry S. Truman’s containment doctrine and participated in the discussions leading to the 1947 National Security Act establishing the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Council, and the Department of Defense. After briefly retiring from the military, Eisenhower twice returned to public service at the behest of President Truman to assume the temporary chairmanship of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and then, following the outbreak of the Korean War, to become the first Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, charged with transforming the North Atlantic Treaty Organization into a viable military force. These experiences colored Eisenhower’s foreign policy views, which in turn led him to seek the presidency. He viewed the Cold War as a long-term proposition and worried that Truman’s military buildup would overtax finite American resources. He sought a coherent strategic concept that would be sustainable over the long haul without adversely affecting the free enterprise system and American democratic institutions. He also worried that Republican Party leaders were dangerously insular. As president, his New Look policy pursued a cost-effective strategy of containment by means of increased reliance on nuclear forces over more expensive conventional ones, sustained existing regional alliances and developed new ones, sought an orderly process of decolonization under Western guidance, resorted to covert operations to safeguard vital interests, and employed psychological warfare in the battle with communism for world opinion, particularly in the so-called Third World. His foreign policy laid the basis for what would become the overall American strategy for the duration of the Cold War. The legacy of that policy, however, was decidedly mixed. Eisenhower avoided the disaster of global war, but technological innovations did not produce the fiscal savings that he had envisioned. The NATO alliance expanded and mostly stood firm, but other alliances were more problematic. Decolonization rarely proceeded as smoothly as envisioned and caused conflict with European allies. Covert operations had long-term negative consequences. In Southeast Asia and Cuba, the Eisenhower administration’s policies bequeathed a poisoned chalice for succeeding administrations.

The Outbreak of World War I and the Socialist “War on War”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War I ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Early National

This chapter examines the role played by the Socialist Party in shaping the political debate over Woodrow Wilson's neutrality and preparedness policies following the outbreak of World War I. It considers how the Socialist Party sought to create a viable working-class antiwar movement, declaring “war on war” as it strongly contested the Wilson administration's definitions of U.S. national security, preparedness, and citizenship duties. It also also looks at the different personalities involved in early national Socialist Party policy formulations as well as U.S. foreign policy debates, including Allan Benson who sought to make foreign policy more subject to democratic checks and balances by leading a campaign for a national referendum on war.

Economic Interests, Party, and Ideology in Early Cold War Era U.S. Foreign Policy

1998 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Conflicting Interests

Although it is widely acknowledged that economic interests influence the politics of trade policy, most research on international relations treats security issues differently. Do conflicting economic interests shape political debate over foreign policy even when security issues are highly salient? To answer this question, I test a range of hypotheses about conflicting interests in the economic stakes of U.S. foreign policy during the early Cold War era. I present evidence that economic interests in their home states were closely related to senators' voting patterns on foreign policy issues. These patterns hold across economic and security issues. I also find that political parties play an important mediating role, making senators more or less receptive to various economic interests.

The Hungarian Border Barrier and Islam

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Pap ◽  
Viktor Glied
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Government Communication ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Considerations ◽  
National Borders

The co-existence between Hungarians and Islam has been considered balanced, until the spring of 2015 when a wave of migrants appeared in Europe. “Opening to the East”, the foreign policy announced by the government in 2011 heralded a new chapter of cooperation with Arabic/Muslim countries, predominantly due to economic considerations. The migrant crisis turned government communication, as well as the stance of Jobbik, the largest opposition party, upside down. This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam and the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders played in the competitive communication of the national-radical, pro-Muslim opposition Jobbik party (achieving a lead in the polls) and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-kdnp which typically emphasise their Christian character.

Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Meiklejohn Terry
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Central European ◽  
External Relations ◽  
Polish Foreign ◽  
The Eu

In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.

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