The Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Institute

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Made In

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.

The Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Institute

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Made In

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.

The Crisis of Free Society

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-136
Author(s):  
Christopher W. Calvo
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
Free Society ◽  
Free Labor ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
The Face ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Wealth Of Nations

This chapter focuses on American conservative economic thought, concentrating on George Fitzhugh, George Frederick Holmes, Thomas Skidmore, and Langton Byllesby. Material and intellectual capitalism are described as revolutionary movements that American conservatives organized against. Antebellum conservatives rejected bourgeois capitalist values, further illustrating the absence of a Smithian-inspired laissez-faire consensus. Combining these thinkers into a single chapter offers a fresh perspective on what constituted economic conservative thought in the face of capitalist revolution. Southern conservatives like Fitzhugh and Holmes reserved special animus towards Smith’s Wealth of Nations, highlighting the moral and social perils of free labor, competition, and industrialization, while celebrating the benefits of paternal slavery. In Northern industrial quarters, socialists like Skidmore and Byllesby challenged the foundational principles of bourgeois capitalism, denouncing profits, private property, the maldistribution of wealth, and the social and psychological externalities of industrialization. Skidmore and Byllesby voiced a home-grown version of socialist ideology then emerging among America’s working class.

The Peronist Left, 1955–1975

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Extensive Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comprehensive Treatment ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
The Subject

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.

scholarly journals Resistance through realism: Youth subculture films in 1970s (and 1980s) Britain

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathaniel Weiner
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Working Class ◽  
The Social ◽  
Youth Subculture ◽  
Youth Subcultures ◽  
The University ◽  
Class Youth ◽  
Made In

Film scholars have argued that the British social realist films of the late 1950s and early 1960s reflect the concerns articulated by British cultural studies during the same period. This article looks at how the social realist films of the 1970s and early 1980s similarly reflect the concerns of British cultural studies scholarship produced by the University of Birmingham’s Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies during the 1970s. It argues that the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies’ approach to stylised working-class youth subcultures is echoed in the portrayal of youth subcultures in the social realist films Pressure (1976), Bloody Kids (1979), Babylon (1980) and Made in Britain (1982). This article explores the ways in which these films show us both the strengths and weaknesses of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies’ work on subcultures.

scholarly journals New working class as a political subject

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. V. Gavrilyuk ◽  
V. V. Malenkov
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Service Sector ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Social

The authors consider the new working class as consisting of both industrial workers and employed in the service sector. The article aims at identifying changes in the social-political status of the new working class and at describing the civil-political component of its political subjectivity. The authors attempt to theoretically reconstruct the idea of the working class as a political subject. The first part of the article presents conceptual approaches to the analysis of the working class as a political subject. The authors identify three periods: 1) classical works that laid the foundation for the study of the working class as a political subject and its special historical role; 2) studies of the marginal political status of the working class in Western countries, when leading theorists described the transformation of workers into an object of manipulation in the era of mass communications and the widespread consumerism ideology; 3) works of contemporary authors (including the new working class studies) opposing the policy of the traditional industrial working class and the new working class exclusion from the social-political space, which is pursued by the ruling class of the neoliberal international. The empirical part of the article describes the political subjectivity of the working class in Russia and its position in the political space at the institutional and individual levels. Despite the underrepresentation of workers in politics, since 2010, we have witnessed a return of the working class to the public space. The representative survey conducted in three regions of the Ural Federal District and narrative interviews prove a weak interest of the new working class youth in politics, their tendency of non-participation in it, and a high level of national patriotic identity.

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF INCLUSION: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE WORKHOUSE SYSTEM

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cosma Orsi
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
David Hume ◽  
Adam Smith ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
George Berkeley ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
The Social ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
The Rose

The aim of this article is to describe the rise and fall of the workhouse system in connection with the developments that took place in economic thought in the transition from mercantilism to the Classical tradition. By examining the economic debate about wages, efficiency, labor market, workers’ mobility, and unemployment, we discuss whether the social policy shift epitomized by institutional reforms like the Gilbert Act (1782), the Rose Act (1793), and the Speenhamland system (1795) was accompanied and eventually inspired by a change in the perception of major political economy issues. In doing so, we review the writings of Jacob Vanderlint (d. 1740), George Berkeley (1685–1753), Malachy Postlethwayt (1707?–1767), Josiah Tucker (1713–1799), David Hume (1711–1776), and Adam Smith (1723-1790), among others. Although a direct influence by these writers cannot be proven, the originality of the present work rests on the effort to put into perspective the arguments elaborated by economic thinkers and the proposals made by social reformers so as to identify possible connections between economic theorizing and social legislation.

FRANQUISMO Y ANTIFRANQUISMO EN EL FINAL DE LA DICTADURA ESPAá‘OLA

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
JAVIER TÉBAR HURTADO
Keyword(s):  
Basic Research ◽  
Professional School ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Historical Archives ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

El propósito del artá­culo es ofrecer una aproximación al significado histórico del Franquismo y el Antifranquismo en los años finales de la dictadura. Se cuestiona una visión determinada del Franquismo que continua manteniéndose en particular en el debate polá­tico, a pesar de las numerosas investigaciones de base que desde hace años han cuestionado la ”cara amable” de la Dictadura. Asimismo, se examina la relación entre lo que denominamos ”resistencia ordinaria” -para referirnos a la oposición obrera polá­ticamente orientada y organizada- y los instrumentos de orden público que empleó la dictadura para perseguir las protestas sociales. En ellas, el movimiento obrero tuvo un papel protagonista, junto con los movimientos ciudadanos (el estudiantil, el vecinal y el de los colegios profesionales). Continúa con una reflexión en torno al destino y al relato sobre el antifranquismo como legado ético y civil. Y, finalmente, se apunta la importancia que tienen los archivos para ejercer un derecho de ciudadaná­a como es el conocimiento del pasado. Palabras clave: Dictadura Española. Franquismo. Antifranquismo. Movimiento Obrero. Archivos. Memoria Pública.  FRANCOISM AND ANTI-FRANCOISM ACTIVITIES AT THE END OF THE SPANISH DICTATORSHIP Abstract: The purpose of this article is to offer an approach to the historical significance of Francoism and anti-Francoism in the later years of the Dictatorship. It puts into question a certain view of Francoism that remains fixed, particularly in the political debate, despite numerous basic research that for years has challenged the Dictatorship's "friendly face." It also examines the relationship between what we call ”ordinary resistance” - the workers' politically oriented and organized opposition - and the instruments of law-and-order enforcement that the Dictatorship used to prosecute the social protests. The labour movement had a leading role in those, along with citizen movements (students, neighbours and professional school movements.) The article goes on to reflect on the fate of the anti-Francoism narrative as an ethical and civil legacy. Finally, it highlights the importance of historical archives to exercise the citizen's rights that is the knowledge of the past. Keywords: Spanish Dictatorship. Francoism. Anti-Francoism. Labor Movement. Archives. Public Memory.  FRANQUISMO E ANTIFRANQUISMO NOS FINAIS DA DITADURA ESPANHOLAResumo: O objetivo deste artigo é oferecer uma aproximação ao significado histórico do Franquismo e o Antifranquismo nos anos finais da ditadura. Se questiona uma visão determinada do Franquismo que continua mantendo-se em particular no debate polá­tico, apesar das numerosas pesquisas de base que há muitos anos têm questionado a "cara amável" da Didatura. Ainda assim, se examina a relação entre o que denominamos "resistência ordinária" - para nos referir á  oposição obreira politicamente orientada e organizada - e os instrumentos de ordem publica que empregou a ditadura para perseguir os protestos sociais. Nelas, o movimento trabalhista teve um papel protagonista, junto com os movimentos cidadãos (o estudantil , regional e dos colégios profissionais) continua com uma reflexão em torno do destino e do relato sobre o antifranquismo como legado ético e civil. E finalmente, é focado a importá¢ncia que tem os arquivos para exercer um direito de cidadão como é o conhecimento do passado. Palavras chave: Ditadura Espanhola. Franquismo. Antifranquismo. Movimento Trabalhista. Arquivos. Memória Publica.  

On Marxism’s Field of Operation: Badiou and the Critique of Political Economy

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Walker
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Social Relation ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Analytical Strategy ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Social

AbstractAlain Badiou’s theoretical work maintains an ambiguous relation to Marx’s critique of political economy. In seemingly refusing the Marxian analytical strategy of displacement and referral across the fields of politics and economy, Badiou is frequently seen to be lacking a rigorous theoretical grasp of capitalism itself. In turn, this is often seen as a consequence of his understanding of political subjectivity. But the origins of this ‘lack’ of analysis of the social relation called ‘capital’ in his work can also be investigated by means of a detour into the economic writings of theUnion des communistes de France marxiste-léniniste, the political organisation in which Badiou played a leading rôle throughout the 1970s in particular. By excavating this theoretical work of the 1970s, we can identify more precisely the historical and political reasons behind Badiou’s ambiguous relation to Marx and specifically to Marx’s systematic grasp of the logic of capital. This excavation will consequently lead us to a reflection on the limits and openings in Badiou’s thought for the Marxian critique of political economy.

The Evolution of the Immigration Debate: Evidence from a New Dataset of Party Positions Over the Last Half-Century

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (5) ◽  
pp. 734-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafaela Dancygier ◽  
Yotam Margalit
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Economic Dimension ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Made In

Immigration is one of the most contentious issues across contemporary democracies, but this has not always been the case. What accounts for this development? We study how immigration has evolved in the political debate in Western Europe over five decades by creating and analyzing a comprehensive new data set—Immigration in Party Manifestos (IPM)—of all immigration-related appeals made in preelection manifestos by major parties. Our account focuses on three central debates. First, contra to perceived wisdom, we find no evidence of polarization between left and right. Instead, we document a striking co-movement. Second, we find only modest support for the argument that the success of anti-immigrant parties significantly shapes how centrist parties position themselves on immigration. Finally, our evidence counters the claim that cultural issues have overtaken the debate over immigration. Although the prominence of immigration-related cultural appeals has increased in certain countries and elections, the economic dimension has remained prevalent.

scholarly journals The Austrian school in Bulgaria: A history

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-64
Author(s):  
Nikolay Nenovsky ◽  
Pencho Penchev
Keyword(s):  
Economic Thought ◽  
Austrian Economics ◽  
Austrian School ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Hostile Environment ◽  
Collapse Of Communism ◽  
Evolution Of Ideas ◽  
Spontaneous Evolution ◽  
Made In

The main goal of this study is to highlight the acceptance, dissemination, interpretation, criticism and make some attempts at contributing to Austrian economics made in Bulgaria during the last 120 years. We consider some of the main characteristics of the Austrian school, such as subjectivism and marginalism, as basic components of the economic thought in Bulgaria and as incentives for the development of some original theoretical contributions. Even during the first few years of Communist regime (1944–1989), with its Marxist monopoly over intellectual life, the Austrian school had some impact on the economic thought in the country. Subsequent to the collapse of Communism, there was a sort of a Renaissance and rediscovery of this school. Another contribution of our study is that it illustrates the adaptability and spontaneous evolution of ideas in a different and sometimes hostile environment.

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