Using principal components to produce an economic and social development index: An application to Latin America and the U.S.

2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miles B. Cahill ◽  
Nicolás Sánchez
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Stocker

Nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) were an important development in the history of nuclear nonproliferation efforts. From 1957 through 1968, when the Treaty of Tlatelolco was signed, the United States struggled to develop a policy toward NWFZs in response to efforts around the world to create these zones, including in Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many within the U.S. government initially rejected the idea of NWFZs, viewing them as a threat to U.S. nuclear strategy. However, over time, a preponderance of officials came to see the zones as advantageous, at least in certain areas of the world, particularly Latin America. Still, U.S. policy pertaining to this issue remained conservative and reactive, reflecting the generally higher priority given to security policy than to nuclear nonproliferation.


1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Olander

The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.


Author(s):  
Cristiane Da Silveira

Resumo:O presente artigo investiga as narrativas de Bomfim e sua concepção sobre o Brasil na América Latina a partir da análise da obra América Latina: Males de origem e permite refletir sobre alguns aspectos dos discursos na virada do século XIX para o XX, visto que a perspectiva de análise de Bomfim intentou romper com estigmas relativos ao Brasil e à América Latina no que diz respeito ao desenvolvimento econômico e social. Palavras chave: Manoel Bomfim; História; interpretação historiográfica; pensamento social brasileiro; progresso socioeconômico; Brasil; América Latina; Investigação.Resumen:Este artículo investiga las narrativas de Manoel Bomfim y su concepción sobre el Brasil y la América Latina a partir del análisis de la obra América Latina: Males de origen, y permite reflexionar sobre algunos aspectos de los discursos en la transición del siglo XIX para el XX, considerando que la perspectiva de análisis de Bomfim intentó romper con estigmas sobre el Brasil y América Latina en lo que concierne al desarrollo económico y social.  Palabras clave: Manoel Bomfim; Historia; interpretación historiográfica; pensamiento social brasileño; progreso socio-económico; Brasil; América Latina; Investigación.Abstract:This article researches Manoel Bomfim’s narratives and his conception of Brasil and Latin America  based on the study of América Latina: Males de Origem, and allows us to reflect on some aspects of  discourses regarding the transition from the XIXth centuty to the XXth, taking into consideration that Bomfim tried to finish with the stigma of Brasil and Latin America’s economic and social development.  Keywords: Manoel Bomfim; history; historical interpretation; Brazilian social thought; social-economic development; Brazil; Latin America; research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
Brenda Yuliana Herrera-Serna ◽  
Edith Lara-Carrillo ◽  
Victor Hugo Toral-Rizo ◽  
Regiane Cristina do Amaral ◽  
Raul Alberto Aguilera-Eguía

1956 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-28

Most managements in our own country assume that unions are a natural part of industrial life and seek to develop reasonably harmonious relations with them. In recent years, management has developed a good deal of skill along this line. In Latin America, most managements will be seeking a cooperative basis of relations with unions. The understanding of unions on the U.S. scene will provide some guidance, but management must also recognize that there are important differences between unions in Latin America and in the United States.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document