The UK government will have considerable difficulty in meeting the recent promise of Prime Minister Tony Blair

2000 ◽  
Vol 248 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-12
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Considerable Difficulty ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Uk

scholarly journals Working with family carers: towards a partnership approach

2001 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Nolan
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Community Care ◽  
Informal Carer ◽  
Family Carers ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Late Arrival ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Partnership Approach

The use of the term ‘family (informal) carer’, as it is currently conceptualized, is recent and is largely the product of increased attention in the academic and policy literature over the last two decades. Despite their fairly late arrival on the scene, family carers now occupy centre stage in UK government policy, having being described by the Prime Minister, Tony Blair, as the ‘unsung heroes’ of British life, who are essential to the fabric and character of Britain. Such recognition stems from the growing realization that family carers are the lynchpin of community care, providing 80% of all the care needed at an estimated saving to the UK government of some £40 billion annually.

Third Ways in Europe?

2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuliano Bonoli ◽  
Martin Powell
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Joint Paper ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
New Politics ◽  
The Third ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Uk

It has been claimed that there is a global Third Way (TW) debate. Giddens (2001: 1) writes that, ‘Across the world left of centre governments are attempting to institute third way programmes – whether or not they favour the term itself. ‘ He claims that there are self-declared third way parties in power in the UK, New Zealand, Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, Argentina and Chile, among many other countries. Similarly, according to Blair (2001), the ideas associated with the TW are still the wave of the future for progressive politics. From Latin America to Europe to parts of Asia, TW politics or ‘progressive government’ is exerting a huge influence on global politics. The TW is seen as a trailblazer for a new global social policy, a new model for a new millennium (e.g. McGuire, 1998/9). One of the main blueprints for the new politics (Giddens, 1998) has been translated into many languages. A number of international meetings in Paris and Florence have discussed the TW. British Prime Minister Tony Blair and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder issued a joint paper, ‘The Third Way/Die Neue Mitte’ (Blair and Schröder, 1999) that was drafted by Peter Mandelson and Bodo Hombach. Hombach's book has been translated into English as ‘The New Centre’ (Hombach, 2000), with a preface by Tony Giddens and an introduction by Mark Leonard.

Support for Scottish independence is growing stronger

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Economic Impacts ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Sustained Increase

Significance For the first time, there is a sustained increase in support for Scottish independence. The main reasons include dislike of UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his cabinet north of the border, the UK government’s pursuit of a ‘hard’ Brexit and questions about its response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Impacts Soaring Scottish unemployment when the UK furlough schemes end would undermine London’s claim to be protecting Scottish jobs. Rising support for Scottish independence could prompt the UK government to seek a closer trade agreement with the EU. The UK government will be unable to conceal the economic impacts of Brexit under the economic fallout of COVID-19. A Scottish vote for independence would put huge pressure on the UK government to resign and call early elections.

Ethics could damage public trust in UK government

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Constitutional Constraints ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Roll Out

Significance The UK government’s landslide election victory in 2019 has given Prime Minister Boris Johnson room to pursue an agenda for governance that targets institutions such as the Supreme Court and the Electoral Commission. The government has also ignored the recommendations of ethics bodies and appointed to key positions individuals with close personal ties to the ruling Conservative Party. Impacts The government’s agenda risks attracting increasingly questionable sources of offshore political money and support. The institutional agenda to remove constitutional constraints and reform the civil service will likely resume after COVID-19. The successful roll-out of the COVID-19 vaccination would likely boost public confidence in the UK government.

Reform and Europe

2020 ◽  
pp. 133-200
Author(s):  
Lucy Atkinson ◽  
Andrew Blick ◽  
Matt Qvortrup
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
The Uk

No referendums took place between 1979 and 1997. During much of the 1980s the idea of using this device failed to attract the level of interest it had in some earlier periods. But, in the following decade, the referendum began to gain currency once more. After Labour returned to office in 1997, the Tony Blair administration became the most extensive utilizer of the mechanism to date, holding five in total (though none at UK level). Reflecting the establishment of the referendum as a firmer part of the UK constitution, a more consistent framework for this practice was introduced. After 2004, the Labour governments did not use referendums again. However, the device returned from 2011. During the tenure of David Cameron, as Prime Minister in a coalition (2010–2015) and then a Conservative administration (2015–2016), four referendums were held.

scholarly journals Global Britain in a competitive age: strategy and the Integrated Review

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 161-177
Author(s):  
Hew Strachan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Strategic Review ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Trump Administration

Since 2010, the UK government has conducted a strategic review at five-yearly intervals, a pattern which it has maintained, at least formally, despite the strategically destabilising effects of Brexit and the Trump administration. Accordingly, on 26 February 2020 the Prime Minister announced the next iteration, albeit one which would he maintained go �beyond the parameters of a traditional review�. COVID-19 understandably delayed the publication of the Integrated Review until March 2021. This article examines the results, using the prism of strategy to examine the review�s coherence. Global Britain in a Competitive Age is as aspirational as its original ambition suggested it should be, but is light on specific policies and their delivery. The accompanying publications from the Ministry of Defence contain more substance, but their implications are not sufficiently aligned with either foreign policy or the possible eventuality of armed conflict, nor do they allow for capabilities commensurate with the scale of the task which �Global Britain� anticipates.

UK withdrawal agreement is not finished yet

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Business Leaders ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Future ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
Parliamentary History ◽  
The Uk

Subject Vote against the Brexit deal. Significance UK MPs voted yesterday against Prime Minister Theresa May’s Brexit ‘withdrawal agreement’ by 432 votes to 202, marking the largest defeat in parliamentary history. Pressure on MPs to mobilise over an alternative Brexit plan will heighten as the prospects for a no-deal Brexit increase. Impacts If the Labour Party does not support a second referendum it risks losing grassroots supporters. Renegotiating the future relationship agreement could provoke tension among EU members. Business leaders will intensify pressure on the UK government to provide clarity over its Brexit plans.

The Brexit Elections, 2017–19

2021 ◽  
pp. 189-239
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
General Election ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Jeremy Corbyn ◽  
Theresa May ◽  
The Eu

The years immediately after the 2015 general election were dominated by another vote, held in 2016. In 2013, the electoral challenge from UKIP had forced David Cameron to promise an in–out referendum on the EU should his party win the next general election. Cameron fulfilled his promise, after negotiations with the EU which only partially addressed the grievances of Eurosceptics in UKIP and within his own party. The chapter discusses the narrow victory for ‘Leave’ in the 2016 referendum, arising from divisions within the UK which cut across previous party allegiances and introduced a new element of volatility in an electorate which was already barely recognizable from that of 1964. The situation was complicated further by the election of the radical left-wing MP Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader after his party’s 2015 defeat. By contrast, when David Cameron resigned as Conservative leader and Prime Minister after the referendum he was succeeded by Theresa May, who was regarded as a pragmatic centre-right politician who could negotiate a compromise ‘Brexit’ deal with the EU. The chapter examines May’s failure to carry out this promise, marked in particular by her inept attempt to secure a convincing parliamentary majority in the 2017 general election. When May was forced from office in 2019 she was succeeded by Boris Johnson, a far more controversial and divisive character who nevertheless was able to lead the Conservatives to a comfortable electoral victory, not least because their pro-European opponents were hopelessly divided. However, the victorious Conservatives had no reason to feel complacent; even if Johnson’s government could deliver the favourable Brexit deal which it had promised, over the years since 1964 the British electorate had become far more fickle and parties were increasingly vulnerable to events outside their control. Within a few months of the 2019 election, party competition in Britain, which had seemed so stable back in 1964, was exposed to a new and deadly source of disturbance—the outbreak in China of the Covid-19 virus—which presented the most serious challenge faced by any UK government since 1945.

Joined-Up Government: Past, Present, and Future

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Mulgan
Keyword(s):  
Government Agencies ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
Daily Work ◽  
Significant Aspect ◽  
Radical Structure ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Uk Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Local Agencies

The idea of ‘joined-up’ government which was first used by Tony Blair in 1997 has become a significant aspect of modern UK government. It has changed and influenced how structures are organized, how targets are set, how budgets are allocated and how the daily work of local agencies and professions are performed. The main reason for the interest in the concept of ‘joined-up’ government has been the recognition that some problems of the government do not fit into the neat departmental boundaries of good government. However ‘joined-up’ government has brought some changes; it is still in its infancy. Most departments of the government are still arranged in a vertical manner and this has been the case for almost fifty years and most of the joining-up of government agencies is the result of existing coordination between these departments rather than changes in the radical structure. This chapter discusses the background of British ‘joined-up’ government. It also discusses reforms the UK government has undertaken since 1997 to achieve the goal of a new government through integration and coordination. The chapter concludes with the possible direction of the future reforms on ‘joined-up’ government.

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