Does party polarization mobilize or de-mobilize voters? The answer depends on where voters stand

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 102279
Author(s):  
Maria Murias Muñoz ◽  
Bonnie M. Meguid
Keyword(s):  

Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark D. Brewer ◽  
Mack D. Mariani ◽  
Jeffrey M. Stonecash
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Emily Erikson ◽  
Eric Feltham

This chapter introduces the field of historical network research. Many historical outcomes of interest to social scientists are greatly affected by network processes. These include revolutions, segregation, increasing inequality, party polarization, market development, state centralization, and the rise and fall of institutions. The chapter considers the current state of historical network research across these and other outcomes by focusing on six different network phenomena: cross-cutting ties, informal social ties, associational and organizational networks, narrative networks, cohesion, and brokerage and centrality. Extant research has presented some contradictory findings about the relationoship of these findings to major social outomes, suggesting further specification is necessary. The goal of this chapter is to provide a synthesis that illuminates a pathway to maximize future contributions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089443932098756
Author(s):  
Marc Esteve Del Valle ◽  
Marcel Broersma ◽  
Arnout Ponsioen

A growing body of research has examined the uptake of social media by politicians, the formation of communication ties in online political networks, and the interplay between social media and political polarization. However, few studies have analyzed how social media are affecting communication in parliamentary networks. This is especially relevant in highly fragmented political systems in which collaboration between political parties is crucial to win support in parliament. Does MPs’ use of social media foster communications among parliamentarians who think differently, or does it result in like-minded clusters polarized along party lines, confining MPs to those who think alike? This study analyzes the formation of communication ties and the degree of homophily in the Dutch MPs’ @mention Twitter network. We employed exponential random graph models on a 1-year sample of all tweets in which Dutch MPs mentioned each other ( N = 7,356) to discover the network parameters (reciprocity, popularity, and brokerage) and individual attributes (seniority, participation in the parliamentary commissions, age, gender, and geographical area) that facilitate communication ties among parliamentarians. Also, we measured party polarization by calculating the external–internal index of the mentions. Dutch MPs’ communication ties arise from network dynamics (reciprocity, brokerage, and popularity) and from MPs’ participation in the parliamentary commissions, age, gender, and geographical area. Furthermore, there is a high degree of cross-party interactions in the Dutch MPs’ mentions Twitter network. Our results refute the existence of “echo chambers” in the Dutch MPs’ mentions Twitter network and support the hypothesis that social media can open up spaces for discussion among political parties. This is particularly important in fragmented consensus democracies where negotiation and coordination between parties to form coalitions is key.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0160323X2098684
Author(s):  
John Kincaid ◽  
J. Wesley Leckrone

The comparatively poor U.S. response to COVID-19 was not due to federal inaction or a flawed federal system per se but to party polarization and presidential and gubernatorial preferences that frustrated federalism’s capacity to respond more effectively. The U.S. response is examined in terms of four models: coercive or regulatory federalism, nationalist cooperative federalism, non-centralized cooperative federalism, and dual federalism--finding that state-led dual federalism was the predominant response. The crisis also raised questions about interpretations of “federal inaction” because party divisions led some to regard the federal government’s response as inadequate while others viewed it as appropriate.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 878-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Carson ◽  
Michael H. Crespin ◽  
Charles J. Finocchiaro ◽  
David W. Rohde

2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCO MATTEI ◽  
JOHN S. HOWES

In this article, the authors propose an extension to Fiorina's balancing model based on voters' electoral expectations and test this extension and several implications of the theory. The authors examine the observed pattern of ticket-splitting and find it less consistent with a balancing perspective than with an alternative approach stressing separation between presidential and congressional voting. They also address the relationship between party polarization and ticket-splitting; their results indicate that the occurrence of split ballots does not increase with polarization. A further test identifies respondents with both the sophistication and the motive to engage in balancing behavior. According to this analysis, balancing considerations influence, at most, the very small group of voters whose sophistication and electoral expectations give them the tools and the incentive to pursue balance with a split ballot. Ticket-splitting appears to result far more from incumbency and cross-pressured voters holding candidate evaluations at odds with their partisan learnings.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1217-1243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Q. Gillion ◽  
Jonathan M. Ladd ◽  
Marc Meredith

This article argues that the modern American partisan gender gap – the tendency of men to identify more as Republicans and less as Democrats than women – emerged largely because of mass-level ideological party sorting. As the two major US political parties ideologically polarized at the elite level, the public gradually perceived this polarization and better sorted themselves into the parties that matched their policy preferences. Stable pre-existing policy differences between men and women caused this sorting to generate the modern US partisan gender gap. Because education is positively associated with awareness of elite party polarization, the partisan gender gap developed earlier and is consistently larger among those with college degrees. The study finds support for this argument from decades of American National Election Studies data and a new large dataset of decades of pooled individual-level Gallup survey responses.


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