scholarly journals The Pitfalls of conservation in an African rentier state: The case of Gamba, Gabon (1960s-2015)

Author(s):  
Joseph Mangarella
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This chapter provides a critical background on the country cases by examining their brief political histories as independent states. It also gives critical information about the legal frameworks of such states to highlight where and how Islamist groups can act in these states. By providing such descriptions, this chapter demonstrates the extent to which these states, in regime or popular politics, either adhere or fail to adhere to the government type and political environment normally associated with the rentier state. The chapter also reveals critical commonalities among the super-rentier states—they are governed by powerful ruling families; institutionalized political life is hampered; and civil society and political life remain largely informal—while also indicating their differences, which arose in light of their differing sociocultural and economic backgrounds.


Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This book, using contemporary history and original empirical research, updates traditional rentier state theory, which largely fails to account for the existence of Islamist movements, by demonstrating the political capital held by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While rentier state theory predicts that citizens of such states will form opposition blocs only when their stake in rent income is threatened, this book demonstrates that ideology, rather than rent, has motivated the formation of independent Islamist movements in the wealthiest states of the region. It argues for this thesis by chronicling the history of the Brotherhood in Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE, and showing how the organization adapted to the changing (and often adverse) political environs of those respective countries to remain a popular and influential force for social, educational, and political change in the region. The presence of oil rents, then, far from rendering Islamist complaint politically irrelevant, shapes the ways in which Islamist movements seek to influence government policies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Gurgen Levonovich Ghukasyan

In the new foreign economic conditions that have arisen as a result of a significant deformation of the cyclical dynamics of the world oil market, the views on the model of the socalled “rentier state” and “rentier economy” that apply to oil exporting countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and also to the states of the post-Soviet space, including the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, are of certain interest. For these states, in the face of declining oil export revenues, the question of changing the “rentier model” of development is relevant. At the same time, the recommendations of foreign authors are not acceptable in many aspects, but their analysis allows us to approach problems of overcoming the “raw nature” of the economy more comprehensively.


2021 ◽  
pp. 237-256
Author(s):  
Christopher M. Davidson

The first of two summary discussions, this chapter begins by assessing the extent to which MBS and MBZ’s regimes converge or diverge with other examples of contemporary sultanism. With regard to convergence, it notes: their political patronage networks; their dominance over economic affairs; the extent to which their extended families have served as surrogates for ruling parties; their tightening up of almost all civil society and media organizations; their increasing control over military forces and security services (including the development of more potent praetorian guards); the apparently non-ideological nature of their regimes; and—with some caveats—their erection of personal charismatic façades. With regard to divergence, it notes: Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s relatively well-performing health and education systems; their advances in women’s access to education and health; their fairly positive economic development indicators; their strong global economic integration; and what seems to have been a genuine reduction in corruption. Seeking to explain these divergences, the chapter suggests that Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s rentier state legacies combined with their continuing use of Western and other advanced economy consultants are key to understanding MBS and MBZ’s more ‘advanced’ strain of sultanism. In this context, ‘advanced sultanism’ is posited as an important new sub-set of contemporary sultanism.


Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani

This chapter examines the impact of oil and political economy on the international relations of the Middle East. It begins by discussing the relationship between oil and the consolidation and evolution of the modern Middle Eastern state system, noting that, while outside powers have invariably used oil in their calculations of Middle East policy, oil has figured less prominently in the foreign policies of Arab states. As regards domestic politics, the rentier state paradigm shows how oil has conditioned economic and political outcomes in both oil-rich and oil-poor states, slowing down the prospects for reform. The chapter proceeds by assessing the influence of oil on inter-Arab relations and concludes with some reflections on the regional and international environments as well as the political order in the Middle East.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 911 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah Kaya ◽  
Evren Tok ◽  
Muammer Koc ◽  
Toufic Mezher ◽  
I-Tsung Tsai

This paper develops a theoretical model to analyze whether a rentier state can diversify its economy away from the rent revenue and hence sustain the economic development and preserve the status-quo. Considering the decarbonization process of the global economy and rapidly fall in economic value of hydrocarbons in the face of the supply glut, rentier states depending on oil and gas revenues urgently need to diversify their economies to avoid social backlash and political upheaval. There are three intertwining factors that determine an effective economic diversification away from the rent revenue: The profitability of non-rentier sectors, the size of the domestic economy to induce a “Big Push” for industrialization to non-rentier sectors, and the level of economic inclusivity. For an optimal level of economic diversification in a rentier state: (1) Non-rentier sectors should be attractive to private agents without the entry barriers; (2) domestic economy should be large enough to induce investment into non-rentier sectors; (3) the ruler(s) should have sufficient tolerance (inclusivity) for private agents investing into non-rentier sectors. Our findings indicate that a rentier state can achieve an optimal level of economic diversification provided that the conditions above are met even without any political change.


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