scholarly journals Assessing the effects of Japanese industrial policy change during the 1960s

2016 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 31-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kozo Kiyota ◽  
Tetsuji Okazaki
Urban History ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT LEWIS

ABSTRACT:Industrial policy has long been considered a federal responsibility. Indeed, most scholars date modern local economic development programmes as starting in the 1960s. Before that, in this view, industrial policy wasad hoc, unco-ordinated and fragmented. In this article, I argue that the origins of modern industrial policy initiated by the local state slowly emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century in Chicago. Using an assortment of sources, I show that a new type of industrial policy was forged in the conflict over the 1923 zoning ordinance. The city's real-estate, financial and political elites were able to mobilize information, science, funding, individuals and arguments to convince industrialists that zoning was to their advantage. In the process, the city's industrial interests were able to frame the new zoning ordinance to their ends.


2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN GREENER

This paper examines the social learning models of policy of Hall and May attempting to create a synthesis of the best elements of each. We then apply the revised model to three specific instances of macroeconomic policy in Britain; the introduction of ‘Keynesian-plus’ policy in the 1960s, the movement from Keynesianism to monetarism, and the experiment with monetarism in the 1980s. In each case study, the degree of policy change is assessed, and possible reasons for that level of change explored. We conclude that a more social constructionist approach is required to understand the link between policy instruments, indicators, and paradigms, and, alongside this, a greater need to understand the implications of the assumptions underlying policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-33
Author(s):  
Ralf Ahrens ◽  
Astrid M. Eckert

Abstract Historical research on industrial policy has only recently begun to focus on the crisis-shaken decades of the 1970s and 1980s, demonstrating the broadness of the topic as well as the need for further research. In the first section of this introduction, we address the challenges in arriving at a definition of industrial policy that would encompass the wide variety of this type of state intervention into economic structures. In a second step, we provide a short survey of the variations of industrial policy in Western market economies since the 1960s, emphasizing the plurality of goals and methods that make this topic such a promising avenue of historical research. Finally, we suggest some perspectives for future research, including its potential for interdisciplinary connections.


2004 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Pekkanen

The Japanese developmental state catapulted Japan into economic prominence. However, almost just as world attention focused on Japan's distinctive model, the era of the developmental state was drawing to a close. A generation of scholars has ably documented the story of Japan's developmental state by focusing on industrial policy. They chronicled how a strong bureaucracy buffered by insulation from politicians lay at the heart of the developmental state. As Joseph Wong points out in the introductory essay to this special issue, scholars have also argued that the developmental state contained within itself the seeds of its own dismantling.1Since the 1960s, formal powers had been stripped from the bureaucracy, leaving it increasingly dependent upon “administrative guidance” not legally enforceable.2By the late 1980s, the very success of the developmental state had eroded the powers of the bureaucracy to set industrial policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (159) ◽  
pp. 77-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Nolan ◽  
John Walsh

AbstractThis paper explores the persistence of ecclesiastical influence on higher education in Ireland during an era of far-reaching policy change in the 1960s. The extensive interaction between political and official elites and the Catholic bishops offers a fascinating insight into the complex and contested process of policy formulation during an era of transformation in higher education. This study offers a re-interpretation of Whyte’s thesis that the Irish bishops displayed a ‘new flexibility’ in their response to governmental policy initiatives during this period, especially the initiative for university merger launched by Donogh O’Malley in 1967. Catholic prelates, notably John Charles McQuaid, the influential archbishop of Dublin, were pursuing a traditional Catholic religious and socio-political agenda in higher education, which sought not so much to accommodate new official initiatives as to shape such reforms in the ideological direction favoured by the bishops. McQuaid in particular enjoyed exceptional access to policy-makers and was an indispensable partner in launching the initiative for the university merger. The eventual failure of the merger, which was influenced by the successful resistance of academic elites and the declining significance of religious divisions in higher education, underlined the limits of ecclesiastical power in a rapidly changing society.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (155) ◽  
pp. 460-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Barry ◽  
Mícheál Ó Fathartaigh

Abstract Established in 1949 in the face of Fianna Fáil hostility, and greeted with suspicion by both the department of Industry and Commerce and the department of Finance, the Industrial Development Authority within ten years had carved out a powerful position for itself within the bureaucracy. By the early 1950s, while Seán Lemass was still wedded to the concept of import-substituting industrialisation, the I.D.A. was formulating its vision for ‘industrialisation by invitation’ and lobbying internally for the introduction of export profits tax relief. The adoption of this measure in 1956 initiated the low corporation-tax regime that remains in place to this day. Though frequently conflated, the reorientation of industrial policy in the 1950s and the dismantling of tariff barriers in the 1960s were quite separate initiatives. That the establishment of the I.D.A. and the adoption of export profits tax relief were opposed by the department of Finance and enacted by inter-party governments clearly distinguishes them from the later trade-liberalisation initiative associated with the partnership of T. K. Whitaker and Lemass. The present paper explores the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the I.D.A. and traces its evolution and expanding influence over the first ten years of its existence.


Author(s):  
Erik Bleich

Contemporary anti-hate policies have largely evolved from a series of laws originating in the 1960s and 1970s that countered forms of racism. Particularly in large European countries such as Britain, France, and Germany, these laws were enacted as a function of an effort to combat anti-Semitism in the post-Holocaust years and antiminority racism in the decolonization and Apartheid eras. In the 1980s and 1990s, United States–based activists began to explicitly use “hate” to mobilize policy change at the state and federal level. In the 1990s and 2000s, these strategies spread from the United States to European countries where the language of hate has begun to gain political and policy traction. This chapter draws on these longer-term historical developments to illustrate the origins, growth, and spread of “hate” as a concept that evolved from—and that continues to exist in parallel to—longstanding concerns about racism in liberal democracies.


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