Group Empathy, Brexit, and Public Opinion in the United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
pp. 212-230
2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 886-925
Author(s):  
Alan de Bromhead ◽  
Alan Fernihough ◽  
Enda Hargaden

Do large franchise extensions bring about dramatic electoral changes? Electoral reforms in 1918 nearly tripled the number of people eligible to vote in Ireland. Following the reforms—the largest franchise extension in U.K. history—the previously obscure Sinn Féin party secured 73 of Ireland’s 105 seats, an outcome that precipitated a guerrilla war and ultimately independence from the United Kingdom. However, our analysis finds little evidence that the franchise reforms benefited Sinn Féin. New female electors appear less likely to have supported Sinn Féin while new male electors were no more likely to vote for Sinn Féin than the existing electorate. Women also appear less likely to have cast a vote at all. Economic and social factors did matter when it came to voting, however, as did public opinion in relation to armed rebellion. These results remind us that dramatic political changes, such as those that took place in Ireland 1918, do not require dramatic changes in political participation. Sinn Féin’s electoral success was more likely driven by a change of heart on behalf of the Irish electorate, rather than a change in its composition.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 572-577

The second part of the second ordinary session of the Assembly of the Western European Union (WEU) was held in Strasbourg from October 11 to 13, 1956, under the chairmanship of Mr. J. S. Maclay (United Kingdom). Following examination of a report presented by its General Affairs Committee, the Assembly adopted three recommendations to the WEU Council, concerning, respectively, cultural matters, WEU's activities in the Saar, and social questions. On October 12, the Assembly discussed the state of European defense, on the basis of a report presented by Mr. J. J. Fens (Netherlands, Popular Catholic). Following its debate, the Assembly adopted two further recommendations. The first called upon the Council to take an immediate decision concerning the nature of the reorganization of western defensive forces, and to give a clear lead to public opinion in the matter; it continued that it must be accepted that substantial conventional forces be retained in order to meet all eventualities, and that the west German contribution to European defense should be made effective as soon as possible. In the second recommendation, the Assembly expressed its belief that it could not hold an informed debate unless, with due regard to the requirements of security, all the documentation necessary was made available, and recommended that the Council urgently review its interpretation of the Brussels Treaty as regarded WEU's function in that field. The latter resolution, according to press reports, followed a debate marked by a sense of frustration, with nearly all the speakers complaining that the Council had not given the Assembly's defense committee sufficient information on which to base recommendations. A majority of the continental deputies were reported to favor the Council's becoming responsible to the Assembly, rather than to member governments, for its decisions, but they were reported to realize that the United Kingdom parliament would never accept the consequent limitation of sovereignty. However, in the meantime, the feeling was reported to be that governments could still do much to strengthen WEU.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (141) ◽  
pp. 38-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin McElroy

During the budget speech of 1830, Henry Goulburn, the chancellor of the exchequer, announced: ‘On the people of that country [Ireland] the same stamp duties will be imposed as are imposed here.’ The government planned ‘to assimilate the laws relating to the stamp duties in different parts of the empire to place the management of the whole of that branch of the revenue under the Stamp-Office in England.’ This proposal was one of several announced by Goulburn to counter the economic slump that the United Kingdom was experiencing after a number of poor harvests. Along with specific measures designed to relieve distress, the Wellington government aimed at ensuring there was no loss of revenue in order to prevent further government borrowing.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTHEW KELLY

During the 1890s evangelical Protestants took to preaching on the streets in southern Irish towns and cities. They provoked an angry response, with large Catholic crowds gathering to protest at their activities. This created a difficult situation for the authorities. Obliged, on the one hand, to protect the rights and liberties of the preachers, they also looked to nurture behaviour appropriate to the sectarian realities in Ireland. At stake was the extent to which Ireland could be treated as an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom, with W. E. H. Lecky increasingly recognizing the need for a different legal basis in Ireland. These events formed part of the wider evolution of ‘constructive unionism’. More broadly, respectable Irish Protestant and Catholic disapproval of preachers and the ‘mob’ revealed the way in which class attitudes cut across sectarian identities, suggesting that the political dividends paid the wider unionist movement by this exposure of the apparent realities of ‘Rome rule’ were little valued in the locale. Similarly, interventions by home rule politicians reinforced the sense that conciliating British public opinion was a central concern. Here was an example of how locally orientated sectarianism helped shape national political agendas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-135
Author(s):  
Angèle Flora Mendy

Abstract In a globalized health market, what are the public policies that allow the United Kingdom (UK) to employ African migrant nurses to meet the health needs and to satisfy national and international public opinion? This is the question the article below asks. It is based on an analysis of the UK migration regulation policies and interviews with African migrant nurses in the UK. It uses a neo-institutionalist approach to explain the capacity of public policies to adapt and change in response to imperatives by the use of “room for manoeuvre”.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher J Anderson ◽  
Jason D Hecht

To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.


Author(s):  
Javad Alipoor ◽  
Hatef Pourrashidi ◽  
Mehran Samadi ◽  
Neda Soleimani

The great powers utilized media as a tool of political communication and propaganda after the First World War. The leading role of propaganda during the Second World War enabled them to use media and develop media policy. The United Kingdom, as a pioneer of political communication, used the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in order to influence public opinion. The BBC has developed since its inception and now plays an inimitable role in the UK media policy and diplomacy. This article examines the British media policy including regulations, approaches, management and strategies to clarify how the United Kingdom designs and operates its media-based policies in order to play effectively in the media back grounds. It uses the documentary method to answer the questions: what are the organizational and management structures, regulations, strategies and approaches of the British media policy? And how has the British media policy been developed to surmount the media regulation problems and challenges? This research indicates that the development of a smart-organized and well-regulated system of media policy enables the United Kingdom to utilize media to promote the priorities of the British foreign policy and influence public opinion around the world as well as to play a crucial role in media wars to protect its interests in international system.


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