Political Leverage

2021 ◽  
pp. 277-278
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-45
Author(s):  
Sarah J. Adams

Despite their peripheral position in the Atlantic slave trade, authors of the late eighteenth-century German states composed a number of dramas that addressed imperialism and slavery. As Sigrid G. Köhler has argued (2018), these authors aimed to exert political leverage by grounding their plays in the international abolitionist debate. This article explores how a body of intellectual texts resonated in August von Kotzebue's bourgeois melodrama Die Negersklaven (1796). In a sentimental preface, he mentions diverse philosophical, historical and political sources that contributed to the dramatic plot and guaranteed his veracity. Looking specifically at the famous Histoire des deux Indes (1770) by Denis Diderot and Guillaume-Thomas F. Raynal, I will examine the ways in which Kotzebue adapted highbrow abolitionist discourses to the stage in order to convery an anti-slavery ideology to the white European middle classes. Kotzebue seems to ground abolitionism in the bourgeois realm by moulding political texts into specific generic templates such as an elaborate mise-en-scène, the separation and reunion of lost lovers, a fraternal conflict, and the representation of suffering victims and a compassionate white hero.


2021 ◽  
pp. 104346312110351
Author(s):  
Nicolás M Somma

Using social exchange theory, this article presents a new theory for understanding the strategic choices made by social movement leaders—the “movement exchanges” theory. It looks at how leaders engage in exchanges of valued rewards with constituencies, institutional political players, bystander publics, and voluntary organizations. Leaders receive from these players important rewards (like committed activists, political leverage, and resources) for achieving movement goals. In turn, leaders make strategic choices (expressed in frames, tactics, targets, and claims) that other players find rewarding, favoring persistent exchanges across time. By considering movements’ simultaneous exchanges with several players, the theory makes sense of choices that remain puzzling for major movement theories. It also blends strategic behavior with culture (in the form of utopias, ideology, and emotions) but does not require the maximizing assumption of the homo economicus. I use the case of the contemporary Chilean student movement to illustrate the theory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 596-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Schreuders ◽  
Naomi A Lagerweij ◽  
Bas van den Putte ◽  
Anton E Kunst

BackgroundIn the Netherlands, the adoption of new tobacco control measures is needed to further reduce rates of adolescent smoking. Adolescents’ support for future measures could increase the likelihood of adoption as this provides political leverage for tobacco control advocates. There is, however, scant evidence about to what extent and why adolescents support future measures. We therefore assessed adolescents’ support for a range of future measures and explored the criteria that adolescents use to underpin their support.MethodsA mixed-method design involved surveys and group interviews with fourth-year students (predominantly 15–16 years). The survey, completed by 345 adolescents, included statements about future tobacco control measures and a smoke-free future where nobody starts or continues smoking. Thereafter, 15 adolescents participated in five group interviews to discuss their support for future measures.ResultsThe survey showed that adolescents generally support a smoke-free future. They expressed most support for product measures, mixed support for smoke-free areas, ambivalent support for price increases and least support for sales restrictions. The group interviews revealed that differences in support were explained by adolescents’ criteria that future measures should: have the potential to be effective, not violate individuals’ right to smoke, protect children from pro-smoking social influences and protect non-smokers from secondhand smoke.ConclusionAdolescents’ high support for a smoke-free future does not lead to categorical support for any measure. Addressing the underlying criteria may increase adolescents’ support and therewith provide political leverage for the adoption of future measures.


2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIRGINIA Q. TILLEY

The transnational indigenous peoples' movement (TIPM) can convey important political leverage to local indigenous movements. Yet this study exposes a more problematic impact: the political authority gained by funding organisations who interpolate TIPM norms into new discourses regarding indigeneity, and deploy that discourse in local ethnic contests. In El Salvador the TIPM has encouraged the state to recognise the indigenous communities and has opened a political wedge for indigenous activism. Yet TIPM-inspired programmes by the European Union and UNESCO to support indigenous activism paradoxically weakened the Salvadorean movement by aggravating outside impressions that Salvadorean indigenous communities are ‘not truly Indian’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60
Author(s):  
Viktor Glied ◽  
Péter Kacziba

Water scarcity is already causing serious challenges nowadays and devastating water-related processes will certainly continue for decades to come. The emerging water crisis requires new political arrangements, new technological solutions and the development of new water supply chains. Among the possible political-diplomatic answers, water trade may be a viable option, as water abundant countries could distribute resources by commercializing their water surplus. Water trade, however, faces serious obstacles. Dependence of different countries on states that have water surplus, political leverage and the possible opportunity when external powers could control the essentially important human needs are all examples of potential risks. These threats hinder the development of interstate water trade cooperation and orient countries struggling with water shortages towards domestic solutions. This study attempts to examine the practice of water scarcity and water diplomacy, while also applies the Turkish experience as a case study for demonstrating constraints of water trade. The paper will hopefully shed light on the threats posed by global and regional water scarcity and draw attention to the opportunities and limitations of water commercialization. The aim of our study is to outline the issues related to the distribution and trade of water, furthermore to present the problems of water as a product. Our research focuses primarily on Turkey, which has also become involved in water trade, but the story still ended in failure.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Odeta Barbullushi

This article interrogates the mobilization of the Albanian national question in Albania in 2012. The two interrelated questions of the article are why the nationalist card is not used consistently and why it failed to trigger a policy debate, or lead to policy changes. The main argument of the article is that, more than a policy alternative, “national unification” is a discursive practice performing two functions: Externally, it signals sovereignty and subjectivity to the international community in Albania, primarily the European Union (EU) and the United States, and as such it is used for political leverage, particularly at critical moments. Internally, it aims at constructing national cohesion, while drawing identity lines between the main political parties. This is particularly the case in moments of political instability, juncture or pressure, as before elections. However, its limited ability to inform policy and mobilize political action results not only from the demobilizing power of international actors, for example, the EU and the United States, but also the dominant position that a specific discourse of “good Albanian nationalism” holds in the political debate in post-communist Albania.


Author(s):  
Stephen E. Gent ◽  
Mark J.C. Crescenzi

This book explores how market power competition between states can create disruptions in the global political economy and potentially lead to territorial aggression and war. When a state’s firms have the ability to set prices in a key commodity market like oil or natural gas, state leaders can benefit from increased revenue, stability, and political leverage. Given these potential benefits, states may be motivated to expand their territorial reach in order to gain or maintain such market power. This market power motivation can sometimes lead to war. However, when states are economically interdependent, they may be constrained from using force to achieve their market power goals. This can open up an opportunity for institutional settlements. However, in some cases, institutional rules and procedures can preclude states from reaching a settlement in line with their market power ambitions. When this happens, states may opt for strategic delay and try to gradually accumulate market power over time through salami tactics. To explore how these dynamics play out empirically, the authors examine three cases of market power competition in hard commodity markets: Iraq’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait to seize market power in the oil export market, Russia’s territorial encroachment into Georgia and Ukraine to preserve and expand its market power in the natural gas market, and China’s ongoing use of strategic delay and gray zone tactics in the South and East China Seas to maintain its dominant position in the global market for rare earth elements.


2021 ◽  
pp. 71-92
Author(s):  
Julia Palmiano Federer

This chapter is concerned with the normative agency of NGO mediators. If NGO mediators do not have the political leverage, formal mandates, and material resources of state or United Nations mediators, under what conditions can they promote certain norms to negotiating parties? To address this question, the chapter examines the promotion of norms by NGO mediators in Myanmar, a context where informal and discreet mediation is preferred. It argues that three main characteristics of NGO mediators provide alternative sources of normative agency: their informality and political flexibility; their moral authority; and their production of knowledge as part of an epistemic community on mediation. It then assesses the advantages and limitations of these forms of normative agency vis-à-vis other mediation actors.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document