scholarly journals The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement: A Glimpse into The Geoeconomic World Order

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 56-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Puig

The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) differs in a few important ways from prior trade deals signed by the United States but reveals a glimpse of the infrastructure for a new era in international economic governance. This new “Geoeconomic World Order,” will be characterized by great power rivalry between the United States and China, the intense use of protectionist tools to achieve strategic and political goals, and the diminished role of legal adjudication. This approach to trade policy will likely outlast the autocratic and/or nationalistic governments emerging around the world, including the current Trump administration. While international trade law will recover, it will look different in key respects—it will be less multilateral, predictable, justiciable, and enforceable. This more transactional view of international trade law implies a limit on the role of law and an increase in the use of power. It may force a retrenchment of international interdependence and a revival of zones of influence prevalent during the Cold War era.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 1372-1375
Author(s):  
Md. Habib Alam

The United States of America is a part of the globalization of international trade law. The USA is known as a leading global trader among all nations. The President of the USA plays a vital role in the development of international trade law. On 8 November 2016, Donald Trump was elected as president of the United States of America. Donald Trump engaged in different trade deals and policies with different countries and international institutions. The trade deals and policies are withdrawal from TPP, reshaping NAFTA, reforming WTO, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods. On 8 November 2020, CNN commented, Joe Biden will be the next president of the USA. Many scholars expressed different thoughts relating to the reforming international trade law by Joe Biden. The main aim of Joe Biden will be to remove trade barriers and end artificial trade wars with different foreign nations. My research will suggest how Joe Biden may overcome these issues for the betterment of the international trade law around the world.


2004 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sungjoon Cho

On August 30, 2002, the World Trade Organization (WTO) authorized the European Communities (EC) to suspend its tariff concessions and other obligations toward the United States to the extent of U.S. $4 billion for the latter’s failure to comply with the Appellate Body’s decision that the United States had violated the WTO rules, in particular, the WTO Subsidy Code by providing the prohibited subsidies to foreign sales corporations (FSCs) in the form of tax breaks (the FSC Article 22.6 Report). The sheer scale of the EC’s suspension in response to the U.S. violation is unprecedented, far surpassing the suspensions authorized in two previous cases that invoked the WTO enforcement mechanism, Banana III and Hormones. At first glance, this dramatic finale for such a high-profile case might be welcomed as an impressive revelation of the real achievement of the WTO system equipped with teeth, unlike its predecessor the old GATT.


Author(s):  
GENEVIÈVE DUFOUR ◽  
DELPHINE DUCASSE

AbstractAmerican trade policy under the Trump administration can be summed up in one expression, “America First,” which the US president himself has repeated many times. Driven by a rejection of multilateralism, the United States has adopted numerous measures designed to maintain or stimulate domestic industry or to tighten economic policies both domestically and towards foreign trading partners. Reflecting isolationist and nationalist economic theories, these measures are the anchor for a return of economic frontiers to the United States. Yet the United States is at the heart of globalization and cannot completely isolate itself without risking an economic meltdown. This is all the more true since it has been the driving force behind the creation of the multilateral trading system since the end of the Second World War. This change of economic vision by one of the world’s greatest powers can only be a turning point in the recent history of international economic relations. As such, one may wonder whether America First and the set of measures adopted in its name also foreshadow a phase of retreat for international trade law or whether, on the contrary, they are an opportunity for reform of an area of the law that has been struggling to evolve for several decades.


1997 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-474 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractIceland, a non-member of the International Whaling Commission, is considering a return to commercial whaling. It is inevitable that should Iceland recommence commercial whaling that the United States, pursuant to the Pelly Amendment, will threaten the imposition of trade measures against Iceland.This contribution examines the impact on all nations, most particularly the whaling nations, of both a U.S. decision not to impose an embargo against Iceland and a U.S. decision to impose an embargo against Iceland. In either scenario whaling nations have good reason to be concerned.


1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-503
Author(s):  
Robert Weiner

Karl Marx and the United States is a subject which immediately elicits interest, but also surprise. Interest, because of its contemporary importance; surprise, because Marx and America have appeared so remote from one another. Marx has definitely influenced America, but that will not be the theme of this essay —instead, we will concern ourselves with the role of America in the thought of Marx. The magnitude of this role is illustrated by a statement made in Marx's letter to Abraham Lincoln, written in 1864 on behalf of the International Workingmen's Association:The workingmen of Europe feel sure that as the American war of independence initiated a new era of the ascendency of the middle-class, so the American Anti-slavery war will do for the working-class.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genevieve Tung

In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”


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