Definiteness in Laki: Its interaction with demonstratives and number

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Sahar Taghipour
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Head Movement ◽  
Number Marking ◽  
Linguistic Understanding ◽  
Feature Checking

Abstract This article investigates definiteness and its interactions with demonstratives and number in Laki (Northwestern Iranian). By the examination of demonstratives and building upon previous proposals, I argue for two types of definite DPs in Laki, namely anaphoric and deictic. I show that the patterns of definite and number marking are sensitive to the type of the DP. In particular, I argue that double definiteness, resulting from an Agree relation between D and N, and head movement of Num to D both are obtained only in anaphoric definite DPs for feature-checking requirements. Overall, this study highlights the contributions of anaphoricity to the DP internal structure. The present proposal can account for similar phenomena in other Iranian languages (i.e., Sorani and Kermanshahi Kurdish). The divergence of Laki definiteness from similar attested patterns (i.e., Scandinavian double definiteness) contributes to our cross-linguistic understanding of definiteness and its interactions with other nominal elements.

The Layered Internal Structure of Spatial PPs

2004 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seiki Ayano
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Head Movement

The principal goal of this paper is to show that spatial PPs in English and Dutch have a layered internal structure. In these languages, we find PP constructions containing multiple Ps, which can be analyzed as having a layered PP structure. That is, [+locational] PP headed by lexical P is embedded in [±directional] pP headed by functional p. Following van Riemsdijk (1990) and Emonds (2001), I further propose that in English, both [+locational] P and [±directional] p are head-initial, while in Dutch, the former is head-initial and the latter, head-final. This layered PP analysis has two desirable consequences for Dutch spatial PPs. First, it can account for the preposition-postposition alternation. This alternation is explained when we assume that an unambiguously [+directional] postpositional phrase is derived by the head-initial [+locational] P moving to adjoin to the morphologically covert [+directional] p which is head-final. Second, given this internal structure of Dutch spatial PPs and the Head Movement Constraint (Travis 1984), a contrast between the availability and unavailability of P-to-V incorporation can be readily accounted for. In [-directional] phrases, the preposition cannot undergo movement to adjoin to V since it cannot adjoin to the intermediate head, i.e., the morphologically covert [-directional] p. In contrast, the [+locational] P within a [+directional] pP can undergo incorporation into V because it can adjoin to the morphologically covert [+directional] p on its way to V.

scholarly journals Clitic or Agreement Restriction in Santali: A Typological Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Mayuri J. DILIP ◽  
Rajesh KUMAR
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Number Marking ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Subject And Object ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Object Agreement ◽  
Two Parameters ◽  
Feature Checking

This paper investigates the syntactic configuration of pronominal number marking in Santali. Syntactic, morphological and prosodic restrictions show that pronominal number markers have properties of an affix as well as a clitic. A marker is an affix due to the fact that it cannot participate in a binding relation with other arguments. A pronominal number marker also functions as a clitic since it is attached to prosodically the most prominent constituent. The arguments that trigger object agreement do not manifest one particular case, but instead indicate a dissociation between a case and object agreement. On the other hand, the argument with subject agreement manifests nominative case only, indicating an association between nominative case and subject agreement. Both subject and object agreement are sensitive to case that indicates a property of an affix. Keeping in view the distribution of the pronominal number markers, we analyze feature checking of the two parameters, namely agreement and case in Santali.

Distribution of the negation strategies

2019 ◽  
pp. 134-178
Author(s):  
Ahmad Alqassas
Keyword(s):  
Head Movement ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Egyptian Arabic ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Feature Checking ◽  
Bipartite Negation

This chapter explores the explanatory power of the multi-locus analysis of negation in accounting for the distributional contrasts between two negation strategies in JA and Egyptian Arabic. These two strategies are the use of discontinuous negation ma…š and non-discontinuous negation miš. The distribution of these strategies follows from analysing bipartite negation as a low negation occupying a position below TP. Following Benmamoun (2000), the analysis assumes that discontinuous negation is a result of predicate merger with negation via predicate head movement to the negative head for feature checking. The chapter argues that the Person feature of the predicate causes this movement, and departs from Benmamoun’s (2000) idea that with non-discontinuous negation, the subject NP fulfills the checking requirement of the negative head. Instead, the chapter argues that a covert copular head fulfills the checking requirement as a last-resort mechanism when the predicate lacks the person feature. The chapter also argues that Egyptian Arabic does not have this checking requirement and that, aside from with perfective verbs, predicate merger with negation is an optional post-syntactic operation. Assuming that perfective verbs undergo V-to-T movement (Benmamoun 2000; Soltan 2007), the obligatory merger between perfective verbs and negation is due to minimality constraints.

scholarly journals The Infinitive Marker across Scandinavian

Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.92 ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Ramshøj Christensen
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Head Movement ◽  
Common Origin ◽  
The Other ◽  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Cross ◽  
Feature Checking

In this paper I argue that the base-position of the infinitive marker in the Scandinavian languages and English share a common origin site. It is inserted as the top-most head in the VP-domain. The cross-linguistic variation in the syntactic distribution of the infinitive marker can be accounted for by assuming that it undergoes head movement. This movement is optional in Danish, English, Norwegian, and Early Modern Danish and is not feature-driven. In Faroese, Icelandic, and Swedish, on the other hand, it is triggered by φ-feature checking on Finº. In Icelandic and Swedish these φ-features are strong and induce obligatory vº→Finº movement, whereas they are weak in Faroese and do not induce vº→Finº movement.

Verb Movement in Embedded Clauses in West Flemish

1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliane Haegeman
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Head Movement ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Embedded Clauses ◽  
West Flemish ◽  
Feature Checking ◽  
Formal Features

This article analyzes aspects of the distribution of West Flemish verbs in terms of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry approach. The distribution of the auxiliary in the Infinitivus pro Participio (IPP) construction provides evidence for three functional heads in the lower middle field: Neg, T, and F2. The word order in the IPP construction is derived by head movement of the auxiliary and XP-movement of the IPP complement. The IPP complement moves to [Spec, FP2] to check its formal features; the finite auxiliary moves either to F2 or to a higher functional head, T or Neg; the nonfinite auxiliary remains in F2. The analysis accounts for the finite/nonfinite asymmetry in the distribution of the negative affix en. The article includes concrete proposals for the implementation of feature checking.

X-ray microtomography

1988 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 998-999
Author(s):  
H.W. Deckman ◽  
B.F. Flannery ◽  
J.H. Dunsmuir ◽  
K.D' Amico
Keyword(s):  
Computed Tomography ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Imaging Technique ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Tissue Structure ◽  
Individual Element ◽  
X Ray ◽  
Non Invasive ◽  
Panoramic Imaging ◽  
Three Dimensional Images

We have developed a new X-ray microscope which produces complete three dimensional images of samples. The microscope operates by performing X-ray tomography with unprecedented resolution. Tomography is a non-invasive imaging technique that creates maps of the internal structure of samples from measurement of the attenuation of penetrating radiation. As conventionally practiced in medical Computed Tomography (CT), radiologists produce maps of bone and tissue structure in several planar sections that reveal features with 1mm resolution and 1% contrast. Microtomography extends the capability of CT in several ways. First, the resolution which approaches one micron, is one thousand times higher than that of the medical CT. Second, our approach acquires and analyses the data in a panoramic imaging format that directly produces three-dimensional maps in a series of contiguous stacked planes. Typical maps available today consist of three hundred planar sections each containing 512x512 pixels. Finally, and perhaps of most import scientifically, microtomography using a synchrotron X-ray source, allows us to generate maps of individual element.

The internal structure of medullated wool

1984 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 388-389
Author(s):  
Leo Barish
Keyword(s):  
Light Microscopy ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Wool Fiber ◽  
Guard Hair ◽  
Bright Field ◽  
Wool Fibers ◽  
Thin Skin ◽  
Air Pockets

Although most of the wool used today consists of fine, unmedullated down-type fibers, a great deal of coarse wool is used for carpets, tweeds, industrial fabrics, etc. Besides the obvious diameter difference, coarse wool fibers are often medullated.Medullation may be easily observed using bright field light microscopy. Fig. 1A shows a typical fine diameter nonmedullated wool fiber, Fig. IB illustrates a coarse fiber with a large medulla. The opacity of the medulla is due to the inability of the mounting media to penetrate to the center of the fiber leaving air pockets. Fig. 1C shows an even thicker fiber with a very large medulla and with very thin skin. This type of wool is called “Kemp”, is shed annually or more often, and corresponds to guard hair in fur-bearing animals.

Role of pinnae and head movements in localizing pure tones 1The authors would like to thank Mr. Remi Humbert for implementing the experiment in Turbo Pascal and for his further assistance.

1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 170-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara S. Muller ◽  
Pierre Bovet
Keyword(s):  
Sound Source ◽  
Head Movement ◽  
Movement Analysis ◽  
Head Movements ◽  
Sound Sources ◽  
Localization Accuracy ◽  
Sound Effects ◽  
Posterior Quadrant ◽  
Localization Performance ◽  
Pure Tones

Twelve blindfolded subjects localized two different pure tones, randomly played by eight sound sources in the horizontal plane. Either subjects could get information supplied by their pinnae (external ear) and their head movements or not. We found that pinnae, as well as head movements, had a marked influence on auditory localization performance with this type of sound. Effects of pinnae and head movements seemed to be additive; the absence of one or the other factor provoked the same loss of localization accuracy and even much the same error pattern. Head movement analysis showed that subjects turn their face towards the emitting sound source, except for sources exactly in the front or exactly in the rear, which are identified by turning the head to both sides. The head movement amplitude increased smoothly as the sound source moved from the anterior to the posterior quadrant.

The German Post-Critical Belief Scale: Internal and External Validity

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 219-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bart Duriez ◽  
Claudia Appel ◽  
Dirk Hutsebaut
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Present Article ◽  
External Validity ◽  
German Version ◽  
Dutch Version ◽  
German Sample ◽  
Belief Scale ◽  
Internal And External Validity

Abstract: Recently, Duriez, Fontaine and Hutsebaut (2000) and Fontaine, Duriez, Luyten and Hutsebaut (2003) constructed the Post-Critical Belief Scale in order to measure the two religiosity dimensions along which Wulff (1991 , 1997 ) summarized the various possible approaches to religion: Exclusion vs. Inclusion of Transcendence and Literal vs. Symbolic. In the present article, the German version of this scale is presented. Results obtained in a heterogeneous German sample (N = 216) suggest that the internal structure of the German version fits the internal structure of the original Dutch version. Moreover, the observed relation between the Literal vs. Symbolic dimension and racism, which was in line with previous studies ( Duriez, in press ), supports the external validity of the German version.

Internal Structure of the Spanish Adaptation of the Eating Disorder Inventory-3

2012 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Elosua ◽  
Alicia López-Jáuregui
Keyword(s):  
Eating Disorders ◽  
Eating Disorder ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Internal Consistency ◽  
Clinical Sample ◽  
Temporal Stability ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Order Structure ◽  
Eating Disorder Inventory ◽  
High Internal Consistency

In this study the Eating Disorder Inventory-3 was adapted to Spanish and analyzed the internal psychometric properties of the test in a clinical sample of females with eating disorders. The results showed a high internal consistency of the scores as well as high temporal stability. The factor structure of the scale composites was analyzed using confirmatory factor analysis. The results supported the existence of a second-order structure beyond the psychological composites. The second-order factor showed high correlation with the factor related to eating disorders. Overall, the Spanish version of the EDI-3 showed good psychometric qualities in terms of internal consistency, temporal stability and internal structure.

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