scholarly journals Which Irish men and women immigrated to the United States during the Great Famine migration of 1846–54?

2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (156) ◽  
pp. 620-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyler Anbinder ◽  
Hope McCaffrey

AbstractDespite the extensive scholarly literature on both the Great Famine in Ireland and the Famine immigration to the United States, little is known about precisely which Irish men and women emigrated from Ireland in the Famine era. This article makes use of a new dataset comprised of 18,000 Famine-era emigrants (2 per cent of the total) who landed at the port of New York from 1846 to 1854 and whose ship manifests list their Irish county of origin. The data is used to estimate the number of emigrants from each county in Ireland who arrived in New York during the Famine era. Because three-quarters of all Irish immigrants intending to settle in the United States took ships to New York, this dataset provides the best means available for estimating the origins of the United States’s Famine immigrants. The authors find that while the largest number of Irish immigrants came from some of Ireland’s most populous counties, such as Cork, Galway, and Tipperary, surprisingly large numbers also originated in Counties Cavan, Meath, Dublin, and Queen’s County, places not usually associated with the highest levels of emigration. The data also indicates that the overall level of emigration in the Famine years was significantly higher than scholars have previously understood.

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (125) ◽  
pp. 75-92
Author(s):  
Malcolm Campbell

Throughout the course of the nineteenth century North America and Australasia were profoundly affected by the large-scale emigration of Irish men and women. However, by the eve of the First World War that great torrent of nineteenth-century emigration had slowed. The returns of the registrar general, though deeply and systematically flawed, suggest that in the period 1901–10 the level of decennial emigration from Ireland fell below half a million for only the second time since 1840. According to these figures, the United States continued to be the preferred destination for the new century’s Irish emigrants — 86 per cent of those who left between 1901 and 1910 journeyed to America. In contrast, Australia now attracted few Irish-born, with only 2 per cent of emigrants in this decade choosing to settle in Australasia. As the number of Irish emigrants declined from the peaks of the mid-nineteenth century, so the proportion of Irish-born in the populations of the United States and Australia also fell. By 1910 less than 1.5 per cent of the United States population were of Irish birth; in Australia in 1911 only 3 per cent of the nation’s population were Irish-born men or women. But, although the influence of the Irish-born was diminished, there remained in both societies large numbers of native-born men and women of Irish descent, New World citizens who retained strong bonds of affection for Ireland and maintained a keen level of interest in its affairs.Concern with Irish affairs reached new levels of intensity in the United States and Australia between 1914 and 1921. In particular, from the Easter Rising of 1916 until the signing of the Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921 Irish immigrants and their descendants in both New World societies observed Ireland’s moves towards self-rule with keen anticipation. They publicly asserted the need for an immediate and just resolution to Ireland’s grievances and sought to obtain the support of their own governments for the attainment of that goal. However, this vocal support for Ireland was not without its own cost.


1958 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-632
Author(s):  
Hahn W. Capps

The cotton stem moth, Platyedra vilella (Zeller), was not known to occur in the United States prior to 1951. In August of that year, larvae of the species were found infesting hollyhock plants at Mineola, New York, by J. H. Maheny, a plant quarantine inspector of the port of New York. Adults were reared from additional material collected the following year, an indication that the species had become established. How or when P. vilella was introduced has not been determined, but doubtless it was only recently.


2019 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1591-1629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyler Anbinder ◽  
Cormac Ó Gráda ◽  
Simone A. Wegge

Abstract For decades, historians portrayed the immigrants who arrived in the United States in the mid-nineteenth century fleeing the great Irish Famine as a permanent proletariat, doomed to live out their lives in America in poverty due to illiteracy, nativism, and a lack of vocational skills. Recent research, however, primarily by economic historians, has demonstrated that large numbers of Famine refugees actually fared rather well in the United States, saving surprising sums in bank accounts and making strides up the American socioeconomic ladder. These scholars, however, have never attempted to explain why some Famine immigrants thrived in the U.S. while others struggled merely to scrape by. Utilizing the unusually detailed records of New York’s Emigrant Savings Bank in conjunction with the methods of the digital humanities, this article seeks to understand what characteristics separated those Irish Famine immigrants who fared well financially from those who did not. Analysis of a database of more than 15,000 depositors suggests that networking was the key to economic advancement for the Famine immigrants. Those who lived in residential enclaves with other immigrants born in the same Irish parish saved significantly more than other immigrants, and those who created employment niches based on an Irish birthplace also amassed more wealth than those who did not. The electronic version of the article provides easy access to the database and interactive maps, allowing readers to ask their own questions of the data. The article also fleshes out the life stories of many of the immigrants found in the database, using documents found on genealogy websites such as Ancestry.com. These handwritten census records, ship manifests, and bank ledgers are hyperlinked to the electronic version of the article. That makes this essay ideal for classroom use—students can move effortlessly to the documents that underpin each paragraph and see clearly how historians use archival evidence to formulate arguments and shape historical narratives.


Author(s):  
Bruce Nelson

This is a book about Irish nationalism and how Irish nationalists developed their own conception of the Irish race. The book begins with an exploration of the discourse of race—from the nineteenth-century belief that “race is everything” to the more recent argument that there are no races. It focuses on how English observers constructed the “native” and Catholic Irish as uncivilized and savage, and on the racialization of the Irish in the nineteenth century, especially in Britain and the United States, where Irish immigrants were often portrayed in terms that had been applied mainly to enslaved Africans and their descendants. Most of the book focuses on how the Irish created their own identity—in the context of slavery and abolition, empire, and revolution. Since the Irish were a dispersed people, this process unfolded not only in Ireland, but in the United States, Britain, Australia, South Africa, and other countries. Many nationalists were determined to repudiate anything that could interfere with the goal of building a united movement aimed at achieving full independence for Ireland. But others, including men and women who are at the heart of this study, believed that the Irish struggle must create a more inclusive sense of Irish nationhood and stand for freedom everywhere. The book pays close attention to this argument within Irish nationalism, and to the ways it resonated with nationalists worldwide, from India to the Caribbean.


1941 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Heaton

Peter A. Schenck, Surveyor of Customs and Inspector of Revenue for the Port of New York, must have felt slightly exhilarated when he left his office on the evening of December 30, 1807. He had that day wielded for the first time the two-edged sword placed in his hands by Congress for the destruction of British maritime arrogance. Nay more, he had struck at least seven times, by seizing that number of shipments of British goods which had arrived in two vessels ten days before. In a few days Nathan Sanford, the District Attorney, would file seven separate libels in the Federal District Court on behalf of the United States vs. twenty-two bales of woolen cloth, two cases of hats, eight boxes linen cloth, sixteen boxes of linens, one case of woolen hosiery, two cases of plated ware, and two boxes of woolen hosiery. The goods would doubtless be condemned, for Sanford was a clever lawyer and the district judge was not, like the fellow up in Massachusetts, unfriendly to Jeffersonian policies. Later the United States marshal, Peter Curtenius, would have them sold by auction outside the Tontine Coffee House; the court and marshal's costs—totaling about $120 in each case—would be paid, and the balance, where there was any, would be shared equally between the customs staff and the Treasury. If this process could be repeated often enough, John Bull might soon be willing to come to terms.


2020 ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Ester Díaz Morillo

Resumen: A lo largo de la historia han tenido lugar episodios de grandes crisis que transformarían irremediablemente la vida de millones de personas. Uno de estos acontecimientos fue la gran hambruna producida en Irlanda entre 1845 y 1851, uno de los eventos más trágicos de nuestra historia contemporánea que dejaría profundas huellas en su población. Uno de sus efectos más graves fue la oleada migratoria sin precedentes que llevó a numerosos irlandeses especialmente hasta las costas norteamericanas. Este artículo pretende, por tanto, estudiar la migración irlandesa producida por la gran hambruna y las características especiales que mostró y que la hizo distinguirse del resto de olas migratorias europeas decimonónicas. La «nueva Irlanda» que se conformaría en lugares como Estados Unidos nunca perdería su vínculo con la isla y dejaría un legado imborrable en ciudades como Nueva York y Chicago.Abstract: Throughout history there have been episodes of major crisis which would inexorably transform the lives of millions. One of such events was the Great Famine that took place in Ireland between 1845 and 1851, which was one of the most tragic events in our contemporary history and which would leave important marks on its population. The great unprecedented migration wave which led countless Irish people, especially towards the North American coasts, was one of its gravest effects. The aim of this article, therefore, is to explore the Irish migration induced by this Great Famine and the special characteristics that it showed and that made it distinguishable from the rest of the migration waves from nineteenth-century Europe. The “new Ireland” which developed in places such as the United States would never lose its bond with the island and would leave an indelible legacy in cities like New York and Chicago.


1962 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Gomez

In our preoccupation with the Spaniards of earlier centuries and their subsequent impact on the history of the United States, we have tended to overlook the Spanish immigrants of modern decades. The presence of large numbers of Spanish family names in the United States, particularly in New York City and in western states, has obscured the fact that very few Spaniards have come to the United States directly from Spain. It is the purpose of this paper to investigate the data on modern movements of Spaniards to the Americas in general, with special emphasis on the United States, and to consider the pattern of Spanish settlement in the United States that resulted from these movements.


Author(s):  
Amalia D. Kessler

Chapter 5 considers the broader values with which Americans, including nonlawyers, came to invest adversarial procedure. Troubled by the radical economic transformations of the era (including the emergence of a growing class of dispossessed laborers), many Americans—and especially those influenced by then prevalent religious revivalism and utopian fervor—argued for the adoption of European-style conciliation courts as a means of tempering market excesses. Largely ignored in the scholarly literature, the ensuing debates in Florida, California, and New York were part of a transnational discussion launched by Jeremy Bentham, who coined the term “conciliation court” based on an institution created by the French Revolutionaries and exported throughout much of Europe (and its colonies). In the United States, these debates resulted in the enactment of state constitutional provisions authorizing legislatures to establish conciliation courts and legislation that did so. But the courts themselves failed to take meaningful root in the antebellum period. Their ultimately triumphant opponents rejected them as paternalistic institutions, suited only to feudal or despotic European nations. A nation that was so distinctively liberty-oriented and market-based, they argued, necessarily employed a distinctively adversarial approach to social, economic, and (perhaps especially) labor relations—and thus to legal procedure as well.


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