scholarly journals Triangular migration diplomacy: the case of EU–Italian cooperation with Libya

Author(s):  
Michela Ceccorulli

Abstract Between 2016 and 2017, inflows along the central Mediterranean peaked, increasing pressures on the southern European border. Coordination with Libya to reduce departures has been possible thanks to the role played by Italy, backed by the Union. The diplomatic effort exhibited mainly through 2017 crafted a framework aimed at simultaneously ensuring Libya's interest in regaining full control of its sovereign prerogatives and addressing the EU's desire to reduce irregular inflows. This new framework is explored in this work through the lens of migration diplomacy with a double aim: to enrich the existing body of research by proposing a triangular analysis of migration diplomacy and to expand the literature on the external dimension of the Union's migration policy, by pointing out the political nature of migration relations and its critical aspects.

Author(s):  
Galina Voronenkova ◽  
Julia Islanova

Starting from 2013, the authors of “Der Spiegel” have been actively criticizing the policy of the Chancellor Merkel for inaction in the conditions of an increasing number of migrants from Middle Eastern countries. At the same time, the main opponents of the Chancellor were also criticized for their trying to pull away from the increasing migration problem and to absolve themselves of responsibility for migrants rushing deep into Europe, recalling the terms of the Dublin Regulation. The situation changed in 2015 when Angela Merkel not only recognized the ongoing crisis, but opened the borders of Germany for hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants. Unlike Merkel`s political opponents and even many party fellows, “Der Spiegel” supported the Chancellor for her readiness to jeopardize her political career to save European humanistic values. However, it soon became obvious that the Chancellor`s magnanimity wasn`t based on a precise plan for integration. Despite the authors of “Der Spiegel” who like Merkel considered Germany to be the heart of human and hospitable Europe, the center of tolerance, they had to admit that the uncontrolled stream of refugees turned to be a serious threat for the economy, social peace and national security. In 2017, it became obvious that Merkel changed the direction of her migration policy for a more pragmatic one aimed to control the illegal migration, to limit the migration stream from Middle Eastern countries, to develop the system of revealing and deporting illegal migrants. “Der Spiegel” regarded this as her readiness to change her own position according to the political circumstances in favor of the political rating. This led to disappointment and a new wave of criticism.


Meridians ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (S1) ◽  
pp. 340-362
Author(s):  
Kimala Price

Abstract Frustrated by the individualist approach of the “choice” paradigm used by the mainstream reproductive rights movement in the United States, a growing coalition of women of color organizations and their allies have sought to redefine and broaden the scope of reproductive rights by using a human rights framework. Dubbing itself “the movement for reproductive justice,” this coalition connects reproductive rights to other social justice issues such as economic justice, education, immigrant rights, environmental justice, sexual rights, and globalization, and believes that this new framework will encourage more women of color and other marginalized groups to become more involved in the political movement for reproductive freedom. Using narrative analysis, this essay explores what reproductive justice means to this movement, while placing it within the political, social, and cultural context from which it emerged.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Justin Leinaweaver ◽  
Robert Thomson

Since the Paris Agreement of 2016, the international community’s main approach to addressing climate change is for states to determine their own commitments in a pledge and review system. Parties to the Paris Agreement formulate Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which are documents that give details of their national policies and plans. They are free to formulate and present national policies as they choose, and as a result, there is substantial variation in the content and form of NDCs. This study presents a new framework for assessing and comparing the political meanings of these documents. The framework builds on two distinct ways in which NDCs can be understood. NDCs may be commitments to the international community and domestic actors. Alternatively, they may embody states’ negotiating positions in an ongoing process of national and international interactions. The framework consists of a set of thematic categories to which each sentence of these documents can be allocated. The application of this framework enables us to compare the political content of states’ NDCs systematically. The study demonstrates the validity of the framework by correlating its results with key characteristics of states. The findings also provide evidence for the two distinct perspectives on these documents.


Author(s):  
Anne Haour

This chapter compares the privileges and duties of rulers in central Sahel and north-west Europe. It provides a factual overview of the political history of the central Sahel and north-west Europe and compares their rulers in terms of boundary control, economic control and taxation, and religious and social roles. It suggests that many medieval polities in north-west Europe and central Sahel were the result of economic interference or of military campaigns imposing a new framework on disparate societies.


Author(s):  
Alessio Fiore

Chapter 2 looks at imperial policies in Italy of Henry III, Henry IV, and Henry V, discussing especially their impact on the political make-up of the countryside. The focus is on how emperors attempted to keep control of their Italian resources and infrastructures (palaces and fiscal patrimony) as opposed to the vicissitudes of the ideological and propaganda struggle with the pope which has received more attention in historiography. Henry IV, in particular, adopted an aggressive policy towards his Italian opponents such as Adelaide of Torino and Matilda of Canossa, refusing to recognize the heirs of the former and deposing the latter. The result in both cases was the destruction of the coherence of two vast regional principalities. The author makes the important point that at first the emperors were not hostile to new emerging city communes and granted them rights in return for support and assistance (though later emperors, most notably Frederick I, would have a total change of mind in this regard). The author sees the moment in which cities began to take full control of the affairs seeing it as occurring during the reign of Henry V (1111–25) rather than in 1140–50, as usually believed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgia Papagianni

Abstract This article presents a critical analysis of the new developments in the formation of an external dimension of EU migration policy. It seeks to offer comprehensive answers to why, how and who build(s) external migration policy. The author analyses the current institutional framework emphasising, first, the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, second, the variety of actors involved and the relations between them, and third, the innovative character of certain recent instruments. Next, the comprehensive and balanced character of the new policy is questioned. Its fundamental principles and objectives, as those are described in particular in the new Global Approach on Migration and Mobility, the so-called GAMM, are presented and examined in depth. Readmission agreements, visa facilitation agreements and mobility partnerships are used as case studies that provide a thorough review of the policy-making process and an assessment of the respective policy outcomes.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (6) ◽  
pp. 895-908
Author(s):  
Helen Rohtmets

In this article the Estonian return migration policy is analyzed from the perspective of the return migrants’ ethnicity. The time period of this study covers the most intensive phase of the state-organized return of emigrants to the newly established Republic of Estonia. The survey of attitudes of the Estonian authorities towards the return of emigrants with different ethnic backgrounds leads to the conclusions that the return of ethnic Estonians was preferred to the return of non-Estonians during the first years of Estonia's independence on both economic and political grounds. The political loyalty of non-Estonians was doubted in the administrative circles of Estonia which was especially the case with regard to the emigrants that had formerly belonged to the ruling power elites. The negative attitudes towards the return of non-Estonians were further aggravated by the crisis the Estonian economy was facing at that time. As a result, a parallel with the return migration policies of other new nation-states that emerged from the ruins of the Russian empire can be drawn.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Henk Overbeek

This paper argues that the development towards a common migration policy in the European Union reflects the emergence of a new form of regionalism resulting from the recent structural transformations in the global political economy. The European governments are caught in a web of contradictory interests and tendencies. On one side, the logic of global economic restructuring dictates continued deregulation and flexibilisation of the labour market, implying increased high levels of immigration. On the other hand, the political backlash against globalisation pushes towards a closure of the external borders. The result is the construction of a Fortress Europe, with a set of specific cooperation agreements with the regions surrounding the European Union in order to regulate the inflow of migrants.


Author(s):  
Aleksei Aleksandrovich Matveev

This article is dedicated to migration security, which is viewed within the paradigm of sustainable development and as part of the global security system. The author attempts to reveal the mechanisms and principles that define the effect of migration security upon the political and social stability of the countries in the period of migration crisis. The role actors in achieving sustainable development through the discourse of global security is determined. For solving the set tasks, the article employs comparative and systematic approaches. The key factors of the global security system are identified. An assessment is given to migration processes and their impact upon the goals of sustainable development. The author carries out the analysis of the current European migration policy. The relevance and novelty of this article are substantiated by the the philosophical discourse of migration security and synergy, encompassing the global social security system; whereas this question has been previously studied with focus on the legal, demographic, ethnic, or economic aspects. Analysis is also conducted on the the stage-by-stage mechanisms of migration security implemented by the political regimes of majority of the developed democratic countries. Description is given to the three-tier system of interaction of agents in implementation of migration security. The author examines the content and attitude towards migrants in the EU border countries, and the impact of structural violence in society within the “own/alien” discourse. An alternate solution for solving the dilemma of social tension and retaining  the “thread of governance” in the question of mobility of the citizens is offered. The analysis is given to the Global Compact for Migration, its capabilities, and shortcomings. The author also provides a philosophical understanding of migration security.


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