COPTS AND THE MILLET PARTNERSHIP: THE INTRA-COMMUNAL DYNAMICS BEHIND EGYPTIAN SECTARIANISM

2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 491-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Sedra

AbstractThe sparse scholarship on the political role of Coptic Christians in modern Egypt almost always takes the Coptic Orthodox Church as a point of departure, assuming that the head of the church, the Coptic patriarch, is not only the spiritual leader of the community but its political leader as well. This article argues that the disproportionate attention afforded to the Coptic Orthodox Church in this scholarship has obscured intra-communal dynamics of the Copts that are essential to an understanding of their political role. Through an analysis of historical struggles between the Coptic clergy and the Coptic laity for influence in Egyptian politics, as well as a particular focus on how these struggles have played out in the arena of personal status law, the article demonstrates that Egyptian politics and Coptic communal dynamics are deeply intertwined, to a degree often disregarded both by Copts and by Egypt analysts.

Family Forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Franc

The paper is focused on the Matta el-Meskeen (Matthew the Poor) and his reflection of selected bioethical issue: birth control. The paper deals with the forming stages of the bioethical discussions within the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt. The research is based on Matthew the Poor´s articles and books. The first part presents his teachings about theosis as an key concept of his theology in general and bioethics in particular. The second part brings analysis of his birth control reflections and presents his observations about the role of the Church and the state in the decision making process of Christian believers.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Paul Valliere

The political role of the Orthodox Church in post-communist Russia is more difficult to assess than its social and cultural roles for several reasons. First, to offer any systematic observations on the matter one must attempt to construe the nature of the church-state relationship in Russia, a notoriously controversial subject. Second, one must make an educated guess concerning the part played by the huge internal security apparatus which only yesterday dominated the internal affairs of the Soviet Union, including religious affairs. The security establishment has been dislodged from its hegemonic role in the Soviet state as a result of the Gorbachev reforms, but there is little question that it continues to exist as a political force in the country. Reading the aims of this network is no easy matter, however, because by definition it operates in relative secrecy and by means of diversionary tactics. One also has to reckon with the possibility that the security network has been disrupted by the changes of recent years, and operates with less coordination than in the past.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 356-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathalie Bernard-Maugiron

AbstractIn June 2008, the 1938 Personal Status Regulations for the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt were amended to limit the grounds for divorce to adultery and change of religion. This revision followed a ruling of the State Council requiring Pope Shenouda III, the head of the Coptic Orthodox Church, to grant a divorced Orthodox Copt a license to remarry. The amendments ended a long-standing conflict between the Egyptian national courts and the Coptic Orthodox Church regarding the effects of judicial divorce: prior to the revision, thousands of couples divorced before the courts were considered by the Church to be still married. However, by restricting the possibilities for Orthodox Copts to obtain a divorce, the 2008 amendments may lead to an increase in conversions to other religious faiths to escape application of the revised 1938 regulations. In this essay, I analyze the 2008 amendments, the State Council ruling, landmark decisions of the Court of Cassation, comments by legal scholars and articles in newspapers, in an effort to assess the current status of divorce and remarriage among Orthodox Copts in Egypt and the problems generated by the application of conflicts rules between non-Muslim personal status laws in case of inter-religious marriages. At the end of the essay, I mention developments that took place in June 2010 after the release of a new ruling by the State Council.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-199
Author(s):  
Ahmed M. Amin

Beginning with the uprising in 2011 and until the reelection of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in 2018 for a second term, the Egyptian Orthodox Church has been an important player as the representative of the Coptic Christians in the country. This article examines the role of the Egyptian Orthodox Church since the establishment of the republic in 1952 and explores the historical events that sought to redefine the role of the Church in the political sphere. Unlike the previous studies focusing on Coptic Christians and their position in the sociopolitical contexts, this study tackles the political role of the Orthodox Church in its institutional capacity. The study concludes that the Egyptian Orthodox Church has turned into an important political player in the political sphere, and its political role increased substantially with the uprising. Its power is manifested in its support for the political transformations in 2013 and the backing the regime until today.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Monier

This paper examines whose voices narrate official Coptic heritage, what the in-built biases in representations of Coptic heritage are and why, and some of the implications of omissions in narratives of Coptic heritage. It argues that the primary narrator of official Coptic heritage during the twentieth century was the leadership of the Coptic Orthodox Church. The Coptic Orthodox Church is the body that holds authority over the sources of heritage, such as church buildings and manuscripts, and also has the resources with which to preserve and disseminate heritage. The Church hierarchy’s leadership was not entirely uncontested, however, a middle ground was continually negotiated to enable lay Copts to play various roles and contribute to the articulation of Coptic heritage. Ultimately, though, alternative voices must operate within the limits set by the Church leadership and also negotiate the layers of exclusion set by society and state.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 287a-287a
Author(s):  
Mariz Tadros

This paper asserts that in 1952 an entente was forged between the Coptic Orthodox Church and the Egyptian government that provided the church with concessions in return for its political allegiance to the regime. The period prior to 1952 also witnessed the Coptic church leadership forging alliances with regimes in power; however, its ability to represent Copts vis-à-vis the state was rivaled by other Coptic voices in civil society such as the Majlis al-Milli. From 1952 on, the inhibition of Copts' voices in civil society increased the church's political power, and it developed into the undisputed voice representing the Coptic community. The relationship between church and state in the past fifty years has been volatile, affected not only by the nature of the relationship between leaders of the church and state but also by the emergence of other important players within and outside these two entities. Strains characteristic of the period leading up to the temporary dissolution of the entente in the 1970s are becoming visible today in the church–state relationship. This paper suggests that the current entente between the church and the state is being stretched to its limit although it is not likely to be dissolved.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 993-997
Author(s):  
Sergey N. Borisov ◽  
Tamara I. Lipich ◽  
Nataliy W. Loginova ◽  
Vitaly V. Penskoy ◽  
Vasiliy V. Lipich

Purpose: The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of the system of relations that were formed between the Orthodox Church and the authority of the Russian state in the early modern period. Methodology: The authors, based on the most recent research approaches of the characteristics of early modern states, use a number of examples to show the significant role of the church and its hierarchy which had both an effect on the secular authority actions, limited its power and represented the political role of the Russian state and society. Result: The authors point out to the informality, unfounded in any formal legislative acts. This informality allowed the church to respond flexibly to the demands of the moment, but at the same time weakened its position. The authors also point out that that being the only independent Orthodox Church; the Russian church imposed certain limitations on its actions as an independent force of the supreme power, which later served as one of the factors that caused the subordination of the church to the state and its transformation into integral element of the machinery of government. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of the State and the Church in Russia in the Early New Age: Custom and Law is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


1970 ◽  
pp. 55-57
Author(s):  
Lise Paulse Galal

The present religious revival in the Arab world has not only initiated new politics or individual devotedness and piety, but has also resulted in a rise of mediated religious memories. Hence, as a promoter of a community revival, the Egyptian Coptic Orthodox Church has disseminated narratives about the Coptic saints to the members of the church. During my fieldwork among the Copts in Egypt in the nineties, I was continuously presented with these saint stories without really taking notice. But, as the storytellers seemed to insist on being heard, I started listening. Meanwhile, I had become aware of the Coptic cinema which since 1987 till today has produced and distributed more than thirty screen versions (in Arabic) about the life stories of sacred figures of the Coptic Church.


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