The Significance of the Declaration of Ethnic Minority Status for Irish Travellers

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Amanda Haynes ◽  
Sindy Joyce ◽  
Jennifer Schweppe

Abstract Irish Travellers are a traditionally nomadic ethnic minority indigenous to Ireland. Although recognized as an ethnic minority in adjacent jurisdictions, the Irish state persistently and explicitly denied recognizing Travellers’ separate ethnicity and pursued assimilationist policies designed to eradicate Travellers’ differences. However, in the late 1980s and 1990s, the state recognized the structural disadvantage and social stigma to which Travellers are subjected, naming them as a protected group in equality legislation, as well as laws addressing incitement to hatred. Through these interventions, the state afforded Travellers rights on the basis of their collective identity as Travellers, while continuing to deny their ethnicity. After sustained campaigning, Traveller ethnicity was recognized by the prime minister of Ireland in 2017. This article explores the reasoning behind, and legal significance of, that statement of recognition in Ireland.1 We outline the evidence in support of ethnic recognition as a prelude to addressing the question of whether recognition is likely to afford the community any additional rights. We conclude that this is unlikely given the protections afforded to the group prior to ethnic recognition, though we argue that recognition may give the community a firmer basis for arguing for the activation of these preexisting rights.

Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Dung ◽  
Giang Khac Binh

As developing programs is the core in fostering knowledge on ethnic work for cadres and civil servants under Decision No. 402/QD-TTg dated 14/3/2016 of the Prime Minister, it is urgent to build training program on ethnic minority affairs for 04 target groups in the political system from central to local by 2020 with a vision to 2030. The article highlighted basic issues of practical basis to design training program of ethnic minority affairs in the past years; suggested solutions to build the training programs in integration and globalization period.


Author(s):  
R. A. W. Rhodes

This chapter replies to key criticisms about policy networks, the core executive, and governance. On networks, the chapter discusses the context of networks, and the ability of the theory to explain change. On the core executive, it discusses a shift away from a focus on the prime minister to court politics. On governance, the chapter returns to redefining the state, steering networks, metagovernance, and storytelling. It restates the case for the idea of the differentiated polity. This is edifying because it provides a vocabulary for a more accurate description of British government. Finally, the chapter provides a link to Volume II by summarizing the decentred approach to the differentiated polity.


Author(s):  
Meenaxi Barkataki-Ruscheweyh

In the concluding chapter, I discuss the various strategies that the Tangsa use in Assam to survive as a small ethnic minority group and how performing identity and ethnicity at festivals can be considered to be yet one more such strategy. This leads to a discussion of Tangsa identity, ethnicity, and culture as well as the role of the state and the Assamese ‘other’ in defining what it means to be Tangsa. In a ‘Taking Stock’ section, I list all my shortcomings, and also all that that still needs to be done before some amount of clarity can be achieved in understanding the complex Tangsa picture. The concluding section summarizes my findings to make clear the underlying and undeniable connection between performing ethnicity and negotiating marginalization.


1997 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luc de Heusch

In spite of recent criticisms the concept of ethnicity should be retained in anthropological analysis to designate more or less coherent cultural entities. These entities will be fluctuating, of course, due to their position in a larger social space where women, goods, ideas, and institutions are exchanged. Ethnicity is not, as some have argued, a colonial invention, but an incontestable anthropological fact, where identity is nurtured by otherness. Ethnicity does not of itself have a political vocation: traditional African states were more often than notpluri-ethnic. The ‘national’ phenomenon, the convergence of the State and ethnicity, is rare in pre-colonial African history. The nation-state is a modern phenomenon, the product of a more or less arbitrary manipulation by an elite having a certain number of ethnic traits; a political re-modelling of collective identity.


Neurology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 10.1212/WNL.0000000000011906
Author(s):  
Matthew N. Jaffa ◽  
Jamie E. Podell ◽  
Madeleine C. Smith ◽  
Arshom Foroutan ◽  
Adam Kardon ◽  
...  

ObjectiveLittle is known about the prevalence of continued opioid use following aneurysmal subarachnoid hemorrhage (aSAH) despite guidelines recommending their use during the acute phase of disease. We sought to determine prevalence of opioid use following aSAH and test the hypothesis that acute pain and higher inpatient opioid dose increased outpatient opioid use.MethodsWe reviewed consecutively admitted aSAH patients from November 2015 through September 2019. We retrospectively collected pain scores and daily doses of analgesics. Pain burden was calculated as area under the pain-time curve. Univariate and multivariable regression models determined risk factors for continued opioid use at discharge and outpatient follow-up.ResultsWe identified 234 aSAH patients with outpatient follow-up. Continued opioid use was common at discharge (55% of patients) and follow-up (47% of patients, median 63 (IQR 49–96) days from admission). Pain burden, craniotomy, and racial-ethnic minority status were associated with discharge opioid prescription in multivariable analysis. At outpatient follow-up, pain burden (OR 1.88, 95% CI 1.5–2.4), depression (OR 3.1, 95% CI 1.1–8.8), and racial-ethnic minority status (OR 2.1, 95% CI 1.1–4.0) were independently associated with continued opioid use while inpatient opioid dose was not.ConclusionContinued opioid use following aSAH is prevalent and related to refractory pain during acute illness, but not inpatient opioid dose. More efficacious analgesic strategies are needed to reduce continued opioid use in patients following aSAH.Classification of evidenceThis study provides Class II evidence that continued opioid use following aSAH is associated with refractory pain during acute illness but not hospital opioid exposure.


Significance The assassination follows months of political turmoil and rising gang violence and comes just weeks before elections, scheduled for September 26. Interim Prime Minister Claude Joseph, who has taken charge of the country, said yesterday that measures were being taken “to guarantee the continuity of the state and to protect the nation". Impacts Further political assassinations would exacerbate unrest. The Dominican Republic has closed its border, fearing a migrant surge; the situation will bolster public support there for a border wall. The UN Security Council meets today and may authorise emergency action in Haiti; any substantial redeployment, however, would take time.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Subir Sinha

On 2 October 1952, marking Gandhi's fourth birth anniversary after his assassination in 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of postcolonial India, launched the Community Development (CD) Programs. Dedicating the programs to Gandhi's memory allowed Nehru to claim symbolic legitimacy for them. At the same time, this centerpiece of Nehruvian policy in the Indian countryside was heavily interventionist, billed as “the method ... through which the [state] seeks to bring about social and economic transformation in India's villages” (Government of India 1952). In its heyday, CD preoccupied the Planning Commission, was linked to the office of the Prime Minister, had a ministry dedicated to it, and formed part of the domain of action of the rapidly proliferating state and other development agencies. Fifteen pilot projects, each covering 300 villages, were launched in all the major states. Planning documents of the day register high enthusiasm and optimism for these programs. However, by the mid-1960s, barely a decade after the fanfare of its launch, the tone of planners toward CD turned first despairing and then oppositional. They called for abandonment of its ambitious aim of the total development of Indian villages in favor of more focused interventions to achieve a rapid increase in food-grain production.


Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rami Zeedan

This study applies the negative peace/positive peace approach to internal nation-state relations between the majority and ethnic minority. This approach focuses on the policies implemented by the state. In order to understand the social system from its formation, an important focus should be given to the period of establishment of a new state, whereas physical borders are defined along with the borders of society, which determines who is included in the new nation and who is excluded. The conclusions are based on the case of the Israeli Druze, an ethnic minority with whom the state of Israel and its Jewish majority have achieved positive peace. This study suggests that the positive peace with the Druze was achieved following their integration in the army—as a decision of the state of Israel—that lead to their integration in the Israeli society. Conversely to the Israeli Muslims, where a negative peace is maintained, following the early year’s state policy to exclude them.


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